The Caldwell affair and the perils of collaboration in early colonial Hong Kong
illicit, networks that organised the Chinese communities in the colony. These men were usually
of obscure origin and occupied precarious positions in the colonial hierarchy: they were prone
to corruption and the abuseofpower; some were racially indeterminate; and, in the eyes of
bourgeois colonial society, they mixed far too freely with the Chinese criminals they were
supposed to be suppressing. Yet they were vital to the running of this troubled frontier
Daniel Caldwell, the archetypal European middleman in a
Feudalism, venality, and revolution is about the political and social order revealed by the monarchy’s most ambitious effort to reform its institutions, the introduction of participatory assemblies at all levels of the government. It should draw the attention of anyone interested in the sort of social and political conditions that predisposed people to make the French Revolution. In particular, according to Alexis de Tocqueville’s influential work on the Old Regime and the French Revolution, royal centralization had so weakened the feudal power of the nobles that their remaining privileges became glaringly intolerable to commoners. Feudalism, venality, and revolution challenges this theory by showing that when Louis XVI convened assemblies of landowners in the late 1770s and 1780s to discuss policies needed to resolve the budgetary crisis, he faced widespread opposition from lords and office holders. These elites regarded the assemblies as a challenge to their hereditary power over commoners. The monarchy incorporated an administration of seigneurial jurisdictions and venal offices. Lordships and offices upheld inequality on behalf of the nobility and bred the discontent evident in the French Revolution. These findings will alter the way scholars think about the Old Regime society and state and should therefore find a large market among graduate students and professors of European history.
Colonial powers and Ethiopian frontiers 1880–1884 is the fourth volume of Acta
Aethiopica, a series that presents original Ethiopian documents of
nineteenth-century Ethiopian history with English translations and scholarly
notes. The documents have been collected from dozens of archives in Africa and
Europe to recover and present the Ethiopian voice in the history of Ethiopia in
the nineteenth century. The present book, the first Acta Aethiopica volume to
appear from Lund University Press, deals with how Ethiopian rulers related to
colonial powers in their attempts to open Ethiopia for trade and technological
development while preserving the integrity and independence of their country. In
addition to the correspondence and treatises with the rulers and representatives
of Italy, Egypt and Great Britain, the volume also presents letters dealing with
ecclesiastical issues, including the Ethiopian community in Jerusalem.
’s death in 1953, the country’s new leader Nikita Khrushchev had set about dismantling his predecessor’s reputation, exposing his brutality and abuseofpower. If this could happen in the Soviet Union, why not in China?
The Cultural Revolution was Mao’s response to this perceived threat to his authority and his legacy. The Chairman argued that in order to counter the possibility of any deviation from the journey towards true socialism – a course to be piloted by the Great Helmsman alone – a programme reforming the thinking of the masses
on which the missions
are built and on which they rely for ultimate success. Moreover, any abuseofpower on the part of peacekeepers is particularly disconcerting given the
volatility of post-conflict regions where peacekeepers are posted and specifically given the vulnerability of the civilian populations in the affected areas.
As such, SEA perpetrated by peacekeepers attacks the very essence of the PSO
deployment by counteracting the ethical principles underlying the missions.
Even consensual relations, as will be discussed below, have the potential of
centres. The majority of library
users must have felt the same way. Interestingly, then, we can identify differences here between the tastes of readers and cinema-goers in these communities, for miners and their families liked films that championed these qualities.
But, then, Miners’ Institute cinemas did not carry such an esteemed position
as centres of enlightenment.
Jeffery Farnol’s novels performed consistently well over the decade. His
historical adventure The Crooked Furrow (1937), which warns against the
abusesofpower and champions the labouring classes
’ basic observation of the
tendency towards oligarchy even in progressive, popular organisations
without accepting his own pessimistic conclusion that it could not be
made democratically accountable. Actually, even he noted that trade union
leaders were less prone to the worst abusesofpower than politicians.
For since unions were less diverse than national parties their leaders
retained more in common with their members, and since the officials
were involved in an economic organisation they needed high levels of
administrative ability and technical knowledge. Trade
command structure and elected its own officers
by secret ballot for three-year terms of office. Nuns in managerial roles
controlled large sums of money, employed ancillary staff and negotiated with the civil authorities quite regularly. Examples of the arbitrary
abuseofpower by clergy and bishops over convents are legion,13 but
this should not blind us to the fact that nuns, whether they won or lost,
were contenders for ecclesiastical power, a point convincingly argued by
Mary Peckham Magray.14
For increasing numbers of Irish Catholics in the period under discussion
The first knotty problem to be solved
was that touching the duty to pay taxes to ‘an usurping or unjust
party’ for warfare funding. By addressing those in the country who
opposed the Parliament’s abuseofpower, Ascham reminded that when
‘a man is fully possest by an unjust invading power’, and
those to whom ( viz the Royalist party) ‘we acknowledge our
Bernard and his men. 15
The capitula of Toulouse show that the oppressors also included bishops, and those who complained about them were the priests of ‘little churches’ ( ecclesiolae ). The author of the preamble, writing in the king’s name, tried to keep a balance between the necessitates (needs) of bishops and the possibilitates (resources, means) of priests; but the responses in the capitula sketched a long history of abusesofpower. My suggestion is that Hincmar was the author, and that his sympathies were with the priests. On 12