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The Caldwell affair and the perils of collaboration in early colonial Hong Kong
Christopher Munn

often illicit, networks that organised the Chinese communities in the colony. These men were usually of obscure origin and occupied precarious positions in the colonial hierarchy: they were prone to corruption and the abuse of power; some were racially indeterminate; and, in the eyes of bourgeois colonial society, they mixed far too freely with the Chinese criminals they were supposed to be suppressing. Yet they were vital to the running of this troubled frontier colony. Daniel Caldwell, the archetypal European middleman in a

in New frontiers
Author: Stephen Miller

Feudalism, venality, and revolution is about the political and social order revealed by the monarchy’s most ambitious effort to reform its institutions, the introduction of participatory assemblies at all levels of the government. It should draw the attention of anyone interested in the sort of social and political conditions that predisposed people to make the French Revolution. In particular, according to Alexis de Tocqueville’s influential work on the Old Regime and the French Revolution, royal centralization had so weakened the feudal power of the nobles that their remaining privileges became glaringly intolerable to commoners. Feudalism, venality, and revolution challenges this theory by showing that when Louis XVI convened assemblies of landowners in the late 1770s and 1780s to discuss policies needed to resolve the budgetary crisis, he faced widespread opposition from lords and office holders. These elites regarded the assemblies as a challenge to their hereditary power over commoners. The monarchy incorporated an administration of seigneurial jurisdictions and venal offices. Lordships and offices upheld inequality on behalf of the nobility and bred the discontent evident in the French Revolution. These findings will alter the way scholars think about the Old Regime society and state and should therefore find a large market among graduate students and professors of European history.

Colonial powers and Ethiopian frontiers 1880–1884 is the fourth volume of Acta Aethiopica, a series that presents original Ethiopian documents of nineteenth-century Ethiopian history with English translations and scholarly notes. The documents have been collected from dozens of archives in Africa and Europe to recover and present the Ethiopian voice in the history of Ethiopia in the nineteenth century. The present book, the first Acta Aethiopica volume to appear from Lund University Press, deals with how Ethiopian rulers related to colonial powers in their attempts to open Ethiopia for trade and technological development while preserving the integrity and independence of their country. In addition to the correspondence and treatises with the rulers and representatives of Italy, Egypt and Great Britain, the volume also presents letters dealing with ecclesiastical issues, including the Ethiopian community in Jerusalem.

Jonathan Chatwin

’s death in 1953, the country’s new leader Nikita Khrushchev had set about dismantling his predecessor’s reputation, exposing his brutality and abuse of power. If this could happen in the Soviet Union, why not in China? The Cultural Revolution was Mao’s response to this perceived threat to his authority and his legacy. The Chairman argued that in order to counter the possibility of any deviation from the journey towards true socialism – a course to be piloted by the Great Helmsman alone – a programme reforming the thinking of the masses

in Long Peace Street
Sabine Lee

on which the missions are built and on which they rely for ultimate success. Moreover, any abuse of power on the part of peacekeepers is particularly disconcerting given the volatility of post-conflict regions where peacekeepers are posted and specifically given the vulnerability of the civilian populations in the affected areas. As such, SEA perpetrated by peacekeepers attacks the very essence of the PSO deployment by counteracting the ethical principles underlying the missions. Even consensual relations, as will be discussed below, have the potential of being a

in Children born of war in the twentieth century
Textual analyses
Robert James

centres. The majority of library users must have felt the same way. Interestingly, then, we can identify differences here between the tastes of readers and cinema-goers in these communities, for miners and their families liked films that championed these qualities. But, then, Miners’ Institute cinemas did not carry such an esteemed position as centres of enlightenment. Jeffery Farnol’s novels performed consistently well over the decade. His historical adventure The Crooked Furrow (1937), which warns against the abuses of power and champions the labouring classes

in Popular culture and working-class taste in Britain, 1930–39
Alastair J. Reid

’ basic observation of the tendency towards oligarchy even in progressive, popular organisations without accepting his own pessimistic conclusion that it could not be made democratically accountable. Actually, even he noted that trade union leaders were less prone to the worst abuses of power than politicians. For since unions were less diverse than national parties their leaders retained more in common with their members, and since the officials were involved in an economic organisation they needed high levels of administrative ability and technical knowledge. Trade

in The tide of democracy
Caitriona Clear

command structure and elected its own officers by secret ballot for three-year terms of office. Nuns in managerial roles controlled large sums of money, employed ancillary staff and negotiated with the civil authorities quite regularly. Examples of the arbitrary abuse of power by clergy and bishops over convents are legion,13 but this should not blind us to the fact that nuns, whether they won or lost, were contenders for ecclesiastical power, a point convincingly argued by Mary Peckham Magray.14 For increasing numbers of Irish Catholics in the period under discussion

in Irish Catholic identities
Marco Barducci

Pride’s Purge. The first knotty problem to be solved was that touching the duty to pay taxes to ‘an usurping or unjust party’ for warfare funding. By addressing those in the country who opposed the Parliament’s abuse of power, Ascham reminded that when ‘a man is fully possest by an unjust invading power’, and those to whom ( viz the Royalist party) ‘we acknowledge our lawfull

in Order and conflict
Janet L. Nelson

Bernard and his men. 15 The capitula of Toulouse show that the oppressors also included bishops, and those who complained about them were the priests of ‘little churches’ ( ecclesiolae ). The author of the preamble, writing in the king’s name, tried to keep a balance between the necessitates (needs) of bishops and the possibilitates (resources, means) of priests; but the responses in the capitula sketched a long history of abuses of power. My suggestion is that Hincmar was the author, and that his sympathies were with the priests. On 12

in Hincmar of Rheims