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Mark Olssen

of power, thus resolving once and for all the political problem, which is entirely a matter of the use and abuse of power; for others, the political problems of the future. ( 1982 : 87). In offering this interpretation, Althusser himself draws on Eisenmann’s ( 1933 ; 1952 ) writings; specifically, Eisenmann’s view that the thesis of the ‘separation of powers’ constitutes a myth . In Eisenmann’s view, says Althusser, ‘[a] whole school of jurists arose, particularly at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, which took advantage of

in Constructing Foucault’s ethics
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Allyn Fives

political non-moralism (see Williams 2005 , pp. 52–61). As someone who places cruelty first among the vices, and who reminds her readers, again and again, of the horrors of twentieth-century tyranny in particular, her work is an inspiration for those who see liberalism primarily as a protection against the worst abuses of power (Sagar 2016 , p. 370). She is also an example to those who adopt a sceptical approach to political thought, one that, it is argued, does not ‘evoke a set of contestable moral claims’ (Hall 2014 , p. 564). More significantly, like other non

in Judith Shklar and the liberalism of fear
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Allyn Fives

a ‘barebones liberalism’ and a ‘liberalism of permanent minorities’ (Shklar 1964a , pp. 5, 224). That is, at both the start and the end of her career, it is argued, she is taking a sceptical approach and she is giving priority to the interests of those most vulnerable to the abuses of power (Gatta 2018 , pp. 36–7; Moyn 2019 , p. 33). However, I think it is possible to reach a very different, and more adequate, interpretation of Shklar's arguments in Legalism , starting with what she means at this time by the terms barebones liberalism

in Judith Shklar and the liberalism of fear
Thomas Osborne

conception of right, to be sure, is not a humanist one. It is based not on our status as human beings as much as on our status as historical, governed beings. In this sense it is neo-humanist rather than humanist. 73 ‘There exists an international citizenship with rights and duties and which can engage with any abuse of power, whatever its author, whatever the victims. After all, we are all governed, and by the light of this, in solidarity.’ 74 The arts of critique, then, entail not just a denunciatory relation to power and government but a creative, strategic

in The structure of modern cultural theory
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Allyn Fives

victim of such evil, eliminates political obligations. She does not make such an argument in her early pluralist work. Rather, at this time she maintains that even when we are the victims of the worst abuses of power, our political obligations are not simply eliminated. That is why deciding whether or not to resist tyranny leaves us caught on the horns of a dilemma: Looking at the problem from the point of view of the individual who asks, ‘What should I do?’ it is clear that there is no moral

in Judith Shklar and the liberalism of fear
Mark Olssen

the ever-present possibility of subversion through the abuse of power. Based on the adage that there is safety in numbers, democratic contestation is more likely to result in better decision making. Unlike the hypothetical contract, democracy constitutes a forum that permits feedback, is accountable, allows for interrogation and appeal, builds in checks and safeguards, and is optimally transparent. While the concept of democratic forum refers to the apparatus of government, for a Foucauldian it also refers to the general structuration of social relations

in Constructing Foucault’s ethics
Looming constitutional conflicts between the de-centralist logic of functional diff erentiation and the bio-political steering of austerity and global governance
Darrow Schecter

, just as, by extension, there are considerable differences between the electoral trajectories of liberal democratic parties. The interwar period of the previous century indicates that liberal democracies can and sometimes do experience crises in the guises of fascism and, to a markedly less dramatic extent, different kinds of authoritarian and consensual corporatism. A significant part of that story is intermittent recourse to different variants of legalisation/​Verrechtlichung, as well as religious, military, and executive abuses of power. The more important point

in Critical theory and sociological theory
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For the love of God
Sal Renshaw

concerns regarding the relationship between desire and self-interest, but only to the extent that relations dominated by self-interest are one way of living in unjust relations with others. For Heyward, sexuality is as open to abuses of power as any other aspect of human interrelation, and what she wishes to affirm in her constitution of eros is a relationship between self and other that is mutually empowering. In many respects, Heyward’s neo-Marxist, feminist concerns with the material conditions of oppression and inequality in the world do determine and shape the

in The subject of love
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Allyn Fives

Throughout this book we have seen Shklar adopting a distinctive approach to her work as a political theorist. To start with, there are very sound reasons to place her work in the same camp as so-called political non-moralists. In putting cruelty first among the vices, she sees herself as offering a version of liberalism understood primarily as a protection against the worst abuses of power (Sagar 2016 , p. 370). Hers is also a sceptical form of political theory, and so she endeavours to engage in political thought without having to rely on a

in Judith Shklar and the liberalism of fear
On the relation between law, politics, and other social systems in modern societies
Darrow Schecter

the emergence of the model of social statehood already contained Mediated unity in question 85 in the currently hegemonic one. Critical philosophy and aesthetic resistance will thus continue to de-​legitimate abuses of power and the negligent enforcement of rights precisely because they are related to and are involved in processes of inter-​systemic mediation. They may be far less visible in this regard than the primary legal, political, and economic systems. But their links with the educational system certainly are visible, thus raising the possibility of a new

in Critical theory and sociological theory