Bernard and his men. 15
The capitula of Toulouse show that the oppressors also included bishops, and those who complained about them were the priests of ‘little churches’ ( ecclesiolae ). The author of the preamble, writing in the king’s name, tried to keep a balance between the necessitates (needs) of bishops and the possibilitates (resources, means) of priests; but the responses in the capitula sketched a long history of abusesofpower. My suggestion is that Hincmar was the author, and that his sympathies were with the priests. On 12
Bernhard Zeller, Charles West, Francesca Tinti, Marco Stoffella, Nicolas Schroeder, Carine van Rhijn, Steffen Patzold, Thomas Kohl, Wendy Davies, and Miriam Czock
these transactions, it is clear that it was important, although not indispensable, that centenarii were present. 29
Only rarely can we see more of the power relations between these office holders and the local population. One charter shows a clear abuseofpower that was corrected by Deothard in 819. 30 It reports that the predecessors of two brothers named Erchanhart and Cartfrid had given a field in Freising to the church of Freising during the reign of Duke Tassilo III – deposed in 788, that is, at least thirty years before the creation of the charter. Because
does not view the political agent as entirely free, as he suggests that a populace may be punished on account of a ‘divine dispensation’ by God, who can use the tyrannical ruler as an implement to chastise sinners. 68 This creates a conundrum for John; the necessary implication of the fact that all power comes from God is that even power which is used unwisely serves a purpose: ‘So the power of a tyrant is somehow good, although nothing is worse than tyranny. For tyranny is the abuseofpower conceded by God to man.’ 69 This makes, as Berman notes, the tyrant and
Socio-cultural considerations of intellectual disability
mitigating circumstances, i.e. they could not be held responsible for their criminal or ‘sinful’ actions, but on the other hand subject to the authority, rule and discipline of their superiors, i.e. parents or guardians. The patronisation of certain human members of a pre-modern household, such as children, women, servants and entertainers – and thus dwarfs and fools – has been compared to the abuseofpower that is also exercised over non-human creatures, commonly referred to as pets; all of these could simultaneously be highly valued and severely controlled, trained to
patronisation of certain human members of a household, such as children, women, servants and entertainers – and thus dwarfs and fools – has been compared to the abuseofpower that is also exercised over non-human creatures, commonly referred to as pets; all of these could simultaneously be highly valued and severely controlled, trained to be obedient, entertaining playthings while also held in some affection.
The passages in Aristotle, De anima , Book III.iv (429a10, 21–2; 429b), contain probably ‘the most intensely studied sentences in the history
makers to the surface. Here, the relationship between king and smith is fraught with hostility and resentment, abusesofpower and a desire for vengeance. In the first part of the tale, Wayland shares an intimate bond with his craftwork and its products. Alone and abandoned, he makes copies of the golden ring that his swan-wife gave him in the hope that she might return some day. The repetitive labour appears to be his way of coping with heartbreak, the ring a materialization of his lost love. Then, when the smith is captured by King Niðhad, Wayland becomes alienated
reflections on the early ages of the world and the origins of kingship
also draw on this apocalyptic tradition, but reveal a greater interest
in biblical myth in his discussion of the uses and abusesofpower, and
the need for rulers to practise wisdom. The highly orthodox monastic
author Ælfric of Eynsham, writing around the turn of the
millennium, draws on established patristic interpretations, but reflects
to Fascism’s abusesofpower through dramatising, in Blasetti’s words,
an ‘aversion to violence, conquest, and sterile power’. 29 In contrast to
Condottieri ’s monumentalism, La corona di ferro adopts
the form of a fairy tale to create an allegory of the illegitimate uses
of authority, offering a different perspective on historicising.
Blasetti was an innovative director, editor and scenarist
addressed at the reform councils
and takes positions on those that had become contested. Two recurring themes
are Hildemar’s anxiety over abbatial abuseofpower and the importance of rituals.
Here he often vastly enlarges the perimeters provided by the Regula Benedicti.
M. de Jong, ‘Growing up in a Carolingian monastery: magister Hildemar and his
oblates’, Journal of Medieval History 9 (1983), 99–128.
The Carolingians and the Regula Benedicti
It seems that Hildemar did not strive for much consistency in his approach to
the Regula Benedicti. Sometimes he
in relation to his medieval playing contexts, identifying his function as a safe conduit for grievances concerning local abusesofpower. 42
The diverse interpretations and dramatic functions of Herod suggest that the prophetic chronology of Matthew’s plot is not the only supple element of medieval Innocents plays. The king himself is multi-textual, endlessly malleable and able to move between different moments in time. Herod’s identity – and, crucially, his temporal identity – is further complicated by the fact medieval plays often conflate two historical kings