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Implications for human security, civil society, and charities
Kawser Ahmed and Scott N. Romaniuk

rights and freedoms; the danger of information sharing between Canada and other countries; absence of a robust oversight mechanism to avoid abuse of power; amendment of the Non-Disclosure of Information – Canada Evidence Act, section 38.04 to allow open proceedings; Terrorist Financing Offences relating to terrorist financing (Criminal Code sections 83.02, 83.03 and 83.04) were

in Counter-terrorism and civil society
Zoha Waseem

insecurity amongst the people residing in that vicinity and the public in general and sparked countrywide outrage against the abuse of power by the wealthy people in Pakistan.” Based on this CS petition, the apex court nullified the decision of the High Court, restoring terrorism charges against Jatoi. The decision by a select group of CS activists to rely on counter

in Counter-terrorism and civil society
Abstract only
Where are the workers
Lea Bou Khater

– leading to corruption and abuse of power – and discipline ‘that is maintained through the exploitation of primordial cleavages, often relying on balanced rivalry between different ethnic/sectarian groups’. 27 In these conditions, any political reform is perceived as a prospect of ruin for the elite of the coercive apparatus, which also has the advantage of taming the opposition. In turn, patrimonial institutions are less receptive to political change and democratic initiatives. Conversely, a high level of institutionalisation would

in The labour movement in Lebanon
Vicki Squire, Nina Perkowski, Dallal Stevens, and Nick Vaughan-Williams

, Article 18 of the 2008 Directive permits states to relax certain standards under ‘emergency conditions’, which, according to a 2013 report commissioned by the EU Education, Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency, ‘exposes migrants to inconsistent treatment and the abuse of power’ (EACEA, 2013 : 11). If we consider the case of Malta, for example, successive governments have sought to capitalise on the narrative of crisis and the politics of exceptionalism to enforce a mandatory detention policy of up to twelve months for asylum seekers and

in Reclaiming migration
Hilary Charlesworth and Christine Chinkin

. 20 The Victims and Witnesses Unit applies the Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power, GA Res. 40/34, 29 November 1985. Witnesses’ expenses have been reimbursed, including expenses incurred for child care while in The Hague. 21 Statute of the ICTY, article

in The boundaries of international law
James L. Newell

due process, i.e. it is limited in its scope. It follows, therefore, for Markovits and Silverstein, that ‘at the core of each scandal [is] the quest for political power at the expense of due process and procedure.’ (1988: 7). This also means that scandals are political only when they involve an abuse of power at the cost of due process, which means that some, e.g., sex or financial scandals may not in fact be political scandals even if politicians are involved in them. An alternative and broader approach is provided by Thompson (2000), who argues that a scandal is

in Corruption in contemporary politics
Does parliamentary sovereignty trump the rule of law?
Philip Norton

conveyed that there may be occasions when the courts may not recognise acts that prescribed flagrant abuses of power. Both Lord Steyn and Lord Hope of Craighead advanced the view that parliamentary sovereignty was, in Lord Steyn’s words, ‘a construct of the common law’. According to Steyn: ‘The classic account given by Dicey of the doctrine of the supremacy of Parliament, pure and absolute as it was, can now be seen to be out of place in the modern United Kingdom.’ 39 The doctrine was still the ‘general’ principle of the constitution and the principle one created by

in Governing Britain
Abstract only
Katherine Fierlbeck

‘democracy’ if in fact there is no good evidence that the regime has been chosen by a relative majority of the population, or that a certain segment of the population suffers directly and grievously from policies enacted by the state. It would be simple to make minority rights a condition of being considered a ‘democratic’ state. And, in fact, to stem the political abuse of power perpetuated by the ever

in Globalizing democracy
M. Anne Brown

out that the consequence of greater openness in the decision-making processes was ‘to make cadre privilege and abuse of power more transparent than before, and since this is open subversion of the democratic process promised by the committees, it may make cadre privilege appear to be even more illegitimate and intolerable than in the past’ (Walder, 1996: 56). At the same time, despite tentative movements towards rule-governed order and nominal constitutional guarantees, greater political openness and ‘expanded civil rights of expression

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
When is a convention not a convention?
Philip Norton

of the need for ministers to know of the likely effects of their actions. Ministers appeared more circumspect thereafter and, as we have seen, despite media reports that the prime minister may act in a way as to defy the convention, he failed to do so. The occasions also served, perhaps counter-intuitively, to demonstrate the value of conventions. There is no legal requirement for the monarch to accept the advice of ministers. If ministers offered advice that was utterly perverse and an apparent abuse of power, there is the ultimate sanction of the monarch

in Governing Britain