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Susan Royal

When mentioning the lollard legacy in the work of Coverdale, Foxe and others, nearly all modern scholars, assert that these medieval heretics provided historical evidence of God’s approval. But remarkably few lollard deaths conformed to the literary tropes and exemplary models of the early church. Although several high-profile lollards were executed, they had been condemned as traitors, and many lollard records were cut off after trial, leaving evangelical chroniclers unsure how these so-called heretics had died. This chapter addresses this tension, and demonstrates how Foxe moulded the lollards into martyrs – whether they died suffering or not. By recounting in excruciating detail the trials, imprisonments, abjurations, and penance of the lollards, Foxe shifted focus away from the constancy of the martyr and towards the cruelty of the bishops who interrogated them. In particular, it shows how Foxe perceived the ecclesiastical oath to be an abuse of power, especially the ex officio oath. Due largely to Foxe’s success in establishing the lollards as true martyrs, post-Reformation Protestants rarely questioned their martyrological value, and this paved the way for discontented religious advocates to appropriate the lollards in line with the trials of their own religious traditions.

in Lollards in the English Reformation
Caitriona Clear

command structure and elected its own officers by secret ballot for three-year terms of office. Nuns in managerial roles controlled large sums of money, employed ancillary staff and negotiated with the civil authorities quite regularly. Examples of the arbitrary abuse of power by clergy and bishops over convents are legion,13 but this should not blind us to the fact that nuns, whether they won or lost, were contenders for ecclesiastical power, a point convincingly argued by Mary Peckham Magray.14 For increasing numbers of Irish Catholics in the period under discussion

in Irish Catholic identities
Robert G. Ingram

government of the Grand Seignior than in places where the Pope and his clergy have power’. Grey cited as evidence the two most familiar anti-Protestant atrocities to the English, the St Bartholomew’s Day massacre of 1572 and the Irish rebellion of 1641.61 Grey’s point was obvious: papists had always persecuted Protestants, the only ‘true’ Christians. In making the case about the popish abuse of power, Grey also invoked the example of the Spanish Inquisition, a body which he dealt with at length in another unpublished work, The Horrid Barbarity of the Spanish Inquisition

in Reformation without end
A disputed Enlightenment
Christopher Tyerman

moral exemplar, is depicted as ‘at once a good man, a hero and a philosopher’ who promoted the idea that ‘all men are brethren’ delivering charity for what they suffer not what they believe: liberty and reason. It was the lack of reason that misled Louis IX into an unjust attack on Egypt. Papal and ecclesiastical abuse of power ‘must sooner or later have irritated the minds of mankind who are naturally fond of liberty’. Free from the thrall of superstition and reluctant to accept papal authority, the conduct of Frederick II, who had negotiated rather than fought for

in The Debate on the Crusades
Egalitarianism and elitism
John Carter Wood

cultural rather than political leadership. But the planned institutional structure remained undefined; moreover, suggestions that an elite would form a ‘ruling class’ or ‘ruling group’ implied a political role. How would abuses of power be avoided? In an early Moot discussion, Vidler saw the necessity for ‘institutional safeguards of the distribution of power’; Oldham, similarly, emphasised that ‘society must reserve a large sphere for freedom, thus limiting the range of action of the ruling group’. 70 Given the vagueness with which the composition, tasks and

in This is your hour
Albrecht Diem

addressed at the reform councils and takes positions on those that had become contested. Two recurring themes are Hildemar’s anxiety over abbatial abuse of power and the importance of rituals. Here he often vastly enlarges the perimeters provided by the Regula Benedicti. M. de Jong, ‘Growing up in a Carolingian monastery: magister Hildemar and his oblates’, Journal of Medieval History 9 (1983), 99–128. 20 The Carolingians and the Regula Benedicti 251 It seems that Hildemar did not strive for much consistency in his approach to the Regula Benedicti. Sometimes he

in Religious Franks
Jill Fitzgerald

and Church 400–1066 (London: Hambledon Press, 1998; repr. London: Hambledon Continuum, 2003), p. 131. 88 Trilling notes that the A-text of the ASC is especially concerned with abuses of power among ecclesiastical authorities ( The Aesthetics of Nostalgia , pp. 177–9). 89 ASC MS A , ed. Bately. 90 The Life of St Æthelwold , ed. and trans. Lapidge and Winterbottom, p. 35. On the controversy over clerical marriage, see Cubitt, C., ‘Images of St. Peter: the Clergy and the Religious

in Rebel angels
Abstract only
Jonathan Benthall

of power and stimulate business enterprise; and working at a local level to fortify grass-roots organizations, including women’s groups and zakat committees. As this book goes to press, the scale of trans-Mediterranean irregular migration and its consequences were finally becoming evident to all – with a parallel in South East Asia where the new ‘boat people’ in desperate

in Islamic charities and Islamic humanism in troubled times
Jonathan Benthall

goals have always been widespread and influential, and are still legal under most jurisdictions. Nowadays, however, under widely accepted codes of conduct, proselytizing among the recipients of aid, and religious discrimination by aid agencies within a given territory, are both prohibited as abuses of power. Hence, overtly evangelical aid agencies (such as the US-based Southern Baptists and

in Islamic charities and Islamic humanism in troubled times
Karin Fischer

hierarchy was to justify the perpetuation of the religious orientation of ‘its’ schools.14 The proposed definition pointed to the improbable existence of a neutral ethos in any school, but O’Flaherty also notes that the ‘unlikelihood of neutrality as a defining characteristic of a school’s moral climate does not warrant a jump to the conclusion that a particular kind of ethos may therefore be imposed’ on both teachers and pupils.15 In the contemporary Irish social and educational context, such an imposition may in fact be assimilated to an abuse of power. In its most

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland