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fugitive aesthetics might look like in the face of everyday violence and how it redefines activism and resistance in differing contexts. It translates into a performance of agency – conscious or unconscious political agency – and the finding of joy in a world that criminalises you. It is a form of underground rebellion because it is about refusing to play the role that the state expects of you. Sometimes fugitive aesthetics translate into rage that finds space and visibility in the streets; at other times, it is
. Not that aesthetics are the sole criterion for their recommendations; consistency, price and accessibility are also grounds for competition between commercial organisations. Promotion of commodities in terms of aesthetic merit has accelerated since the 1980s ( Haug, 1986 ). Encouragement of knowing and talking about style and taste is a second factor. Many people, explicitly or tacitly, recognise that taste is an expression of self-identity. Consumer choice is assumed to be a domain where personal judgement is freely exercised and where the tastes revealed will be
ideology of settler colonialism is hardwired into the technical language of oil extraction. In ‘Spillcam’, Alysse Kushinski ( Chapter 3 ) moves to consider not the aesthetics of infrastructure's ‘background’ presence but the aesthetics of transparency . BP's Deepwater Horizon spill, and the attempts to cap it, was livestreamed in real time. Here we have the spill that brings oil into view, brings black goo into contact with human and other-than-human bodies. Kushinski shows, however, that oil infrastructure can be just as dangerous when its
It is important to address the key social and cultural theorisations around issues such as freedom, democracy, knowledge and instrumentalism that impact the university and its relationship with and to the arts. This book maps out various ways in which the arts and creative practices are manifest in contemporary university-based adult education work, be it the classroom, in research or in the community. It is divided into three sections that reflect the normative structure or 'three pillars' of the contemporary university: teaching, research and service. The focus is on a programme that stems from the university's mission and commitment to encouraging its graduates to become more engaged citizens, willing to think critically and creatively about issues of global import, social justice and inequality. The Storefront 101 course, a free University of Calgary literature course for 'non-traditional' adult learners, aims to involve students in active dialogic processes of learning and civic and cultural engagement. Using the concept of pop-up galleries, teacher education is discussed. The book contextualises the place and role of the arts in society, adult education, higher education and knowledge creation, and outlines current arts-based theories and methodologies. It provides examples of visual and performing arts practices to critically and creatively see, explore, represent, learn and discover the potential of the human aesthetic dimension in higher education teaching and research. A more holistic and organic approach to lifelong learning is facilitated by a 'knowing-through-doing' approach, which became foregrounded as a defining feature of this project.
the specific mechanisms used to create and maintain such iconicity, which is used to seduce citizens and win public opinion over to elites’ economic and political projects. I will also discuss the ways in which the meanings attached to iconic architecture can be subverted in order to make inequalities visible and, ultimately, contest the ‘cultural-ideological mechanisms’ related to such icons through which power is exercised (Sklair and Struna, 2013 ). The first section will focus on exploring how the visual characteristics of architecture – from the aesthetics of
relative worth of things to people. They are socially constructed and negotiable, and as such (semi-)objective, aesthetics which are taken for granted by the participants in any – smaller or bigger – social world. They are utilised as reference points even by members of the ‘wider’ society not necessarily directly involved in their creation and legitimation processes. This should be evident in the case of such consumer goods as wines, beers or spirits, in relation to which there are readily available systems of classification chap 2 13/8/04 4:13 pm Page 46 46
are eager to protect and rediscover identities which may already owe something to a Scottish template. Scottish myths and aesthetics played an important role in the making of the modern European nations. Scholars of European Romanticism argue that the work of James Macpherson and Sir Walter Scott shaped the way modern Europeans think about history and the nation state. Scott’s novels, according to Robert Crawford, ‘have shaped the European mind’, as ‘his fiction fuelled the formation of modern European nations and national literatures’.2 Cairns Craig writes that
– with a certain degree of nostalgia (see Clifford 1986; Rosaldo 1989; Berliner 2015) – that the Emberá have reached the end of their traditional society, following a singular, uniform pathway towards a deculturating modernity. The ethnography that I am about to present in this chapter attempts to complicate such a limiting unilineal vision of change. I will discuss instead how Emberá dress codes often shift in the course of the day, or in the course of an individual’s lifetime, coming closer to or further away from indigenous aesthetics and practices. I will further
-Racist Action (ARA), Critical Mass (CM), Earth First! (EF!), and Food Not Bombs (FNB). These AFOs possess anarchistic values, aesthetics, and strategies. Here, “anarchistic” means they do not necessarily claim anarchist identity, but possesses anarchist qualities (refer to “implicitly anarchists” in Chapter 1). I call them AFOs to highlight their value-anchored orientations, and that there is an organizational quality to each (even if only loosely expressed). They imitate the general style of “franchises” that are set up in different geographic locations – independently
networks; Scholl ( 2010 ) examines tactical interactions between protesters and authorities in summits in Europe; and Avery Natale ( 2010 ) considers how participants in black blocs conceptualize themselves as “queer.” These scholars have chosen to highlight decision-making processes, interactions, networks, and symbolic aesthetics rather than portraits and analysis of social movement communities and the people who comprise them. They neglect to answer basic questions such as: who are these people? where are they