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Open Access (free)
Louise Amoore

the globalisation process, removing the messiness of politics and leaving only the ‘right and necessary’ policy measures. As the millennium turned, the picture began to change so that we now begin to see partial glimpses of the push and shove of a social and political contestation that was, in truth, always present. Now we see the news media popularising debates about the power of multinational corporations (MNCs), the plight of the global economy’s ‘new slaves’ and the ‘anti-globalisation’ protests (Klein, 2000; Bales, 1999; British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC

in Globalisation contested
Open Access (free)
An international political economy of work
Louise Amoore

working practices. There are predominantly two aspects that come out of my analysis: one is the sketching of a potential political terrain in spaces where work takes place, the other concerns the implications of an IPE of social practice for other spheres of social activity. Seizing the political ground in the contemporary globalisation debate has tended to imply a direct resistance, exemplified by the so-called anti-globalisation campaigns. Yet, it is interesting that these resistance groups tend to be depicted as united ‘against’ a single foe, despite the manifest

in Globalisation contested
Louise Amoore

a short step from ‘responding’ to ‘resisting’. In both formulations, societies and social groups are separated from, and opposed to, some ethereal process or project of globalisation. Power is ‘wielded’ in both instances, either by the promoters of the project, or by the resistors in their ‘anti-globalisation’ strategies.8 Just as social change is conceived by the neo-Gramscians in terms of social forces within a historical bloc, so it is also presented in ‘periods’ of transition, from one set of structures to the crisis, and then to the rebuilding. The

in Globalisation contested
Open Access (free)
The restructuring of work and production in the international political economy
Louise Amoore

. Paradoxically, both ‘pro-globalisation’ neo-liberal accounts, and so-called ‘anti-globalisation’ accounts reinforce the image of firms as abstract entities, thereby obscuring the webs of power and practice that constitute sites of production – and limiting the potential for a politicisation of the restructuring of work and production. It is the contention of this chapter that dominant representations of the firm within globalisation have underplayed the contested nature of the restructuring of work. Indeed, it has become the vogue to present globalisation as actively

in Globalisation contested
The restructuring of work in Britain
Louise Amoore

legislative power and the failure to discuss or debate restructuring in a wider social forum has made the programme fragile in the sense that it is brittle and ‘inelastic’ (ILO, 1999a). Indeed, in response to a perceived lack of communication channels, some German companies with plants in Britain have developed employee representation arrangements to enable consultation with worker groups.10 The current vogue for ‘corporate social responsibility’, fuelled in part by the publicity surrounding the anti-globalisation protests, reveals that firms are aware that they take social

in Globalisation contested