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Arantza Gómez Arana and María J. García

(Nordin and Weissmann 2018 ). From a political point of view the impact of the financial crisis added fuel to populist right-wing arguments against migration. Since 2016 many countries have started to face the empowerment of populist parties, politicians or ideologies, either through referendums such as the one on Brexit (June 2016) or through elections as in the US (November 2016). These pro-nationalist and anti-globalisation movements have severely criticised the EU project and in particular the idea of an “Ever Closer Union”. Within the EU there

in Latin America–European Union relations in the twenty-first century
Sources of anti-Americanism
Mitchell B. Reiss

’s currency of choice and the US market is the world’s largest, richest and most open. For all of these reasons, anti-globalisation efforts single out the United States; anti-globalisation protests are often indistinguishable from anti-American rants. Sixth and finally, there is a global demographic shift taking place. The post-war generation in Europe, Korea, Japan and Australia is leaving centre stage. The impact of the passing of the generational torch cannot be underestimated. Previously, governing elites in Western Europe and the United States all shared the historical

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
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Clowning and mass protest
Alister Wedderburn

of names, including the ‘global justice movement’ (e.g. Bogad, 2016 ), the ‘movement of movements’ (e.g. Harvie, Milburn, Trott et al., 2005 ; Klein, 2002 ) or less charitably the ‘anti-globalisation movement’ 1 – has two intertwining and mutually constitutive purposes. On the one hand, it seeks to challenge the violence that sustains a system in which a handful of national governments claim a global mandate for market-led programmes of development (cf. Blair, 2005 ). On the other, it attempts to create alternative modes of association and affinity that reach

in Humour, subjectivity and world politics
Richard Jackson

dissenting voices are almost never heard. The ‘war on terrorism’ is currently one of a great many kinds of political discourses, and it is attempting – with considerable success – to become hegemonic over alternative discourses, such as pacifist, human rights based, feminist, environmentalist or anti-globalisation discourses. Importantly, discourses, particularly political

in Writing the war on terrorism
America and Trump in the Asia Pacific
Ketan Patel and Christian Hansmeyer

, security and political success. This order is already under attack from multiple sources: domestic populism, anti-globalisation, the rise of authoritarian states, and income inequality, among others. A United States which does not proactively engage in the process of managing this transition may find itself on the wrong side of change with the cards stacked against it when the dust settles. China: The biggest winner Xi Jinping has made it clear that China aspires to its share of global leadership, pledging the ‘renewal of the Chinese nation’ and ensuring what he sees

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
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Evil terrorists, good Americans
Richard Jackson

and rather unstable property (Townshend 2002 : 7). After all, just as German citizens worked in munitions factories during World War II, it is possible to argue that the civilian workers in the Pentagon could not strictly be considered ‘innocent’. Post-modernists and anti-globalisation critics have demonstrated that everyone is implicated to some degree in global structures of power and domination

in Writing the war on terrorism
Richard Jackson

that the attacks could be read as being connected to American foreign policy. The attackers are thus denied a voice and their reasons are deconstructed and replaced by other (more acceptable) reasons (see Lincoln 2002 : 27). The language implies that as the attacks were ‘totally irrelevant’ to the Middle East conflict, they must have been caused by hatred of democracy and freedom, anti-globalisation

in Writing the war on terrorism