, activist networks
and protest movements that come under the rather inadequate heading of the
‘anti-globalisation’ movement,1 can be seen as an example of a new form of
radical politics that calls into question the current state capitalist global order
and the neo-liberal ideology which animates it. Moreover, this ‘movement’ or
‘movement of movements’ – as activists like to refer to it – represents new forms
of political subjectivity, ethics and practice that go beyond both the class paradigms of Marxism and the identity politics of the ‘new social movements’. In
emerging today that present fundamental challenges to the way we think about radical politics and which call into
question this perhaps over-hasty dismissal of a universal idea of emancipation.
The first is the so-called ‘war on terror’ and the new forms of power, domination and ideology that are emerging with it. The second is what is broadly
termed the ‘anti-globalisation’ movement, which is still in its nascent state, and
which already represents a significant political challenge to global capitalism.
The third issue – perhaps less concrete than the previous too, yet
and with a politics of belonging that is widespread among the rural population.
Balcony environmentalists, hunters and farmers: narratives of Heimat in dispute
The return of the right-thinking Germans to the East to repopulate the (imagined) ‘empty lands’ goes hand in hand with ideas of ‘purification’ of German territories and strong anti-immigration attitudes. These ideas are neatly interwoven with anti-globalisation, anti-system and anti-cosmopolitan themes, and fuelling attacks of the AfD against the Green party, city dwellers and Western Germans. All
How do we think about radical politics today, in the wake of the collapse of Marxist-Leninism and the triumph of neo-liberal capitalism? How should radical political theory respond to new challenges posed by globalisation, postmodernity, the ‘war on terror’ and the rise of religious fundamentalism? How are we to take account of the new social movements and political struggles appearing on the global horizon? In addressing these questions, this book explores the theme of universality and its place in radical political theory. It argues that both Marxist politics of class struggle and the postmodern politics of difference have reached their historical and political limits, and that what is needed is a new approach to universality, a new way of thinking about collective politics. By exploring various themes and ideas within poststructuralist and post-Marxist theory, the book develops a new approach to universality — one that has implications for politics today, particularly on questions of power, subjectivity, ethics and democracy. In so doing, it engages in debates with thinkers such as Laclau, Žižek, Badiou and Rancière over the future of radical politics. The book also applies theoretical insights to contemporary events such as the emergence of the anti-globalisation movement, the ‘war on terrorism’, the rise of anti-immigrant racism and the nihilistic violence that lurks at the margins of the political.
(Nordin and Weissmann 2018 ).
From a political point of view the impact of the financial crisis added fuel to populist right-wing arguments against migration. Since 2016 many countries have started to face the empowerment of populist parties, politicians or ideologies, either through referendums such as the one on Brexit (June 2016) or through elections as in the US (November 2016). These pro-nationalist and anti-globalisation movements have severely criticised the EU project and in particular the idea of an “Ever Closer Union”. Within the EU there
of names, including the ‘global justice movement’ (e.g. Bogad, 2016 ), the ‘movement of movements’ (e.g. Harvie, Milburn, Trott et al., 2005 ; Klein, 2002 ) or less charitably the ‘anti-globalisation movement’ 1 – has two intertwining and mutually constitutive purposes. On the one hand, it seeks to challenge the violence that sustains a system in which a handful of national governments claim a global mandate for market-led programmes of development (cf. Blair, 2005 ). On the other, it attempts to create alternative modes of association and affinity that reach
investigation considers that while ‘anti-capitalism’ is an inherently amorphous descriptor of diverse political positions, and it has been used to characterise a broad swathe of political-economic situations, as Simon Tormey (2013) notes, following the GFC the term was most often used to describe broad-ranging opposition to neoliberal capitalism. Anti-globalisation and anti-US neo-colonial movements of the 1990s and 2000s, for instance, were not all necessarily opposed to the core and enduring tenets of capitalism as an economic model, although they were often relatively
Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons. The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.
1988, the organisational leader, Osama Bin Laden, posited an anti-globalisation argument for waging jihad against the US, which echoed dominant neo-colonial critiques of anti-globalisation movements active at the time ( Holzapfel and König 2009 ). After 2001, AQ propaganda assumed a broad-based anti-capitalist critique that targeted financialised, non-territorial capital, and relatedly sought to capitalise on the symbolic act of targeting the World Trade Center on 9/11. Immediately after the GFC, Zawahiri and Bin Laden emphasised the domestic US and international
conscious decision by successive generations of architects to build institutions,
rules and norms that would spread the rule of law. These formal and informal
structures not only made the current era of globalisation unique, but were
designed to make the architecture sufficiently robust to protect it from external
The ascent of globalisation has certainly not been without its challenges, not
least being the Cold War, the Nixon Shock and anti-globalisation protests that
peaked with the Battle of Seattle. But on each occasion, new generations of