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Imogen Richards

investigation considers that while ‘anti-capitalism’ is an inherently amorphous descriptor of diverse political positions, and it has been used to characterise a broad swathe of political-economic situations, as Simon Tormey (2013) notes, following the GFC the term was most often used to describe broad-ranging opposition to neoliberal capitalism. Anti-globalisation and anti-US neo-colonial movements of the 1990s and 2000s, for instance, were not all necessarily opposed to the core and enduring tenets of capitalism as an economic model, although they were often relatively

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
Abstract only
Imogen Richards

1988, the organisational leader, Osama Bin Laden, posited an anti-globalisation argument for waging jihad against the US, which echoed dominant neo-colonial critiques of anti-globalisation movements active at the time ( Holzapfel and König 2009 ). After 2001, AQ propaganda assumed a broad-based anti-capitalist critique that targeted financialised, non-territorial capital, and relatedly sought to capitalise on the symbolic act of targeting the World Trade Center on 9/11. Immediately after the GFC, Zawahiri and Bin Laden emphasised the domestic US and international

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
Imogen Richards

and 6 will show, IS and AQ’s political-economic development occurred in the aftermath of, and in some ways reproduced, a history of US-led military and economic intervention in the Middle East. IS speeches In Chapter 3, I argued that the key political events that influenced the evolution of AQ propaganda included the end of the Cold War, the emergence of anti-neo-colonial and anti-globalisation movements in the 1990s, the attacks of 9/11, and the 2008 GFC. By contrast, my discussion here begins from the premise that IS’s political-economic propaganda

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
Imogen Richards

10 per cent of global GDP resides in tax havens (cited in Piketty 2014 , 592). While there is some irony to AQ and IS’s condemnation of situations such as this, given their own exploitation of tax havens, elaborated in Chapter 6, spokespersons for the organisations more broadly cite the social injustices of extreme wealth disparity in pejorative references to ‘elites’ (see, for example, Naji 2006 ). Indicating the field of anti-(neoliberal) capitalism that neo-jihadist propaganda operates within, broader anti-globalisation and anti-capitalist resistance

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
Imogen Richards

and economic context of their publication. The content of AQ and IS media, including text, audiovisual imagery, and sound, was captured using the qualitative-research program NVivo. Results were coded for the key theme of ‘anti-capitalism’ and the subthemes ‘anti-US’, ‘anti-neo-colonial’, ‘anti-globalisation’, and ‘anti-neoliberal’. The results were then recoded using an axial approach for the cross-sectional criteria of ‘cultural and social capital’, ‘symbolism and symbolic capital’, ‘anti-capitalist doxa’, ‘habitus’, and ‘field’. A third classificatory dimension

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
Implications for neutrality and sovereignty
Christine Agius

safeguarding of individual freedom.’ (Rojas, 2001 : 107) However, opposition to globalisation in Sweden is deeply linked to the issue of the welfare state. Swedish Attac, the Swedish wing of the global Attac anti-globalisation movement, locates their concern about the effects of globalisation on the ability of the Swedish state to protect its citizens. The

in The social construction of Swedish neutrality
Richard Jackson

dissenting voices are almost never heard. The ‘war on terrorism’ is currently one of a great many kinds of political discourses, and it is attempting – with considerable success – to become hegemonic over alternative discourses, such as pacifist, human rights based, feminist, environmentalist or anti-globalisation discourses. Importantly, discourses, particularly political

in Writing the war on terrorism
Abstract only
Evil terrorists, good Americans
Richard Jackson

and rather unstable property (Townshend 2002 : 7). After all, just as German citizens worked in munitions factories during World War II, it is possible to argue that the civilian workers in the Pentagon could not strictly be considered ‘innocent’. Post-modernists and anti-globalisation critics have demonstrated that everyone is implicated to some degree in global structures of power and domination

in Writing the war on terrorism
Richard Jackson

that the attacks could be read as being connected to American foreign policy. The attackers are thus denied a voice and their reasons are deconstructed and replaced by other (more acceptable) reasons (see Lincoln 2002 : 27). The language implies that as the attacks were ‘totally irrelevant’ to the Middle East conflict, they must have been caused by hatred of democracy and freedom, anti-globalisation

in Writing the war on terrorism