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Abstract only
Lester K. Little

It was said that he made many miracles and was called ‘Saint Alberto’. Annals of Piacenza , 1279 Thus it is that sinners or sick persons go badly astray by casting aside true saints and by praying to one [like Alberto] who cannot intercede for them. Salimbene de Adam, Chronicle , c . 1285

in Indispensable immigrants
Lester K. Little

. In Salimbene’s view, this was God’s way of showing how foolish they had all been. Thus it is, he concluded, that ‘sinners or sick persons go badly astray by casting aside true saints and by praying to one who cannot intercede for them’. Salimbene’s charges were neither frivolous nor limited to him alone. On the other hand, we lack evidence that his book and opinions circulated widely or found sympathetic listeners among either clerics or laypeople. In any case his views had no perceptible impact on the development of the cult of Alberto in

in Indispensable immigrants
Janet L. Nelson

’s solid structure, and by the teaching of those men I learned what had been handed down by their ancestors. 49 Now, casting himself as the bajulus or tutor to Charles the Bald’s grandson, and aspiring to fill Adalard’s place as primus inter primos consiliarios – a wise Leonidas to the young king’s Alexander – Hincmar at a great assembly at Quierzy on 9 September (the same date that Charles the Bald had been crowned at Metz) presented his updated version of Adalard’s De ordine palatii . 50 In 882 the annals ended

in Hincmar of Rheims
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The Dunsoete Agreement and daily life in the Welsh borderlands
Lindy Brady

of influence by Ine’s laws, even though they were still valid in the tenth century via their preservation in Alfred’s domboc and the Norðleoda laga.20 Ine’s laws are notorious for an ethnically tiered system of wergilds, in which Britons appear to be valued significantly less than their Anglo-Saxon counterparts in social rank. They are most often interpreted as casting the Britons in an ‘inferior social position’, creating a ‘sense of ethnic superiority on the part of the Saxons’ in which ‘the “otherness” of the Britons’ is emphasised ‘in order to manufacture a

in Writing the Welsh borderlands in Anglo-Saxon England
The English connection
Paul Fouracre

the Vita Aibogasti tell of how Dagobert’s only son – named as Sigibert in later Alsatian tradition – fell from his horse while hunting. The boy died but Arbogast brought him back to life. The Vita Florentii had Florentius cure Dagobert’s daughter of deafness and blindness. The thirteenth century Annales Argentinenses changed this to the casting out of devils and put

in Frankland
Susan M. Johns

the ‘Welsh’ Normans penetrated and settled parts of Ireland. 45 Both sources are late twelfth-century and neither claim to be eyewitness accounts of the events that they describe. The author of the Song of Dermot tells us that he has written his work in accordance with what people say, or what older people say, yet it is likely that the Song was written shortly after the events. Historians have contrasted the way that the two works present the story of the conquest of Ireland, for example casting reflections upon the way that ideologies of conquest were

in Gender, nation and conquest in the high Middle Ages
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Roads and writing
Valerie Allen and Ruth Evans

been forgotten. Road-making or road-repairing degenerated into the mere casting down of rough stones on to a more or less unprepared surface.’61 Yet to describe medieval road-building skills in terms of loss and forgetting says little about the directedness of medieval technology. This is a period that produced engineering skills capable Introduction: roads and writing 13 of building sturdy stone bridges and towering Gothic cathedrals. And there is method to the roads of medieval England, however ad hoc or dilatory they may have been relative to other periods

in Roadworks
Abstract only
Irene O'Daly

–19; C. N. L. Brooke, in Letters II, p. 474, n. 4. 154 On the casting of Becket in John’s works see K. Bollermann and C. J. Nederman, ‘John of Salisbury and Thomas Becket’, in Grellard and Lachaud (eds), Companion , pp. 63–104 (pp. 64–74). 155 Entheticus minor , 25–6, pp. 232–3: ‘ lux cleri, gloria gentis Anglorum, regis dextera, forma boni ’. 156 Thomas, The Secular Clergy in England , p. 152. 157 Pol. VIII. 25; 2, p. 424: ‘ uide et dicta et praedica aequitatem

in John of Salisbury and the medieval Roman renaissance
Women and trespass litigation
Teresa Phipps

, claiming damages of 6s 8d. Bate denied the theft. 103 The record does not detail what type of stones these were, but they were apparently of considerable size and value, again casting doubt as to whether Bate could have carried out the theft alone. In the same year, Joan Taneson was accused by Richard Paunton of breaking into his house and close, armed with a staff and knife, taking various metal and clothing items worth a total of 15d. 104 At the same time, Paunton sued Taneson for debt, indicating a wider antagonism between

in Medieval women and urban justice
The parable of Dives and Lazarus
Mary Raschko

and social privilege the wealthy enjoy comes at the expense of the poor whom they rob of sustenance. After condemning the wealthy for fleecing the poor, Idley advocates a shift in worldview that should motivate generosity. His argument starts from but then subverts social convention. Casting the poor as servants, Idley points out the respect given to those employed by the wealthy: ‘But and ther com to you a messager fro a kyng or a duke, / ffro on Erle or a knyght or a symple squyere, / In youre best wyse ye woll make hym chiere’ (2.B.2231–3). The rich regularly

in The politics of Middle English parables