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political impediments. There was, in the assessment of the authors, ‘considerable room for improvement in the propaganda that certain activities just violate humanity at its deepest level’. 19 ‘Concentrated efforts’, targeting a self-evident evil, would ensure ‘stimulation of the moral force necessary to carry forward the whole action against torture’. Casting back to the mode of emotionally powerful appeal pioneered by
simplistic binary between humanitarianism and human rights, the essays by Jon Piccini and Roland Burke round off this volume by casting this fraught relationship within such a longer historical frame of reference. Jon Piccini focuses on Amnesty International in Australia to highlight the tension between practices and ideas of humanitarianism and human rights within the organisation. In particular, Piccini argues that the local expression of
their safe keeping in any gaol’, and confinement was ‘particularly prejudicial to their health’. 51 Hutt realised that while he had dual aims for the prison – reformation and deterrence – many settlers were interested only in deterrence. In November 1841 he used his casting vote to ensure the Legislative Council passed the amended act, which formally established the prison and pronounced that Aboriginal prisoners would
Democrat Party’s leaders, who increasingly worried Sihanouk. The monarch was further shocked when Thanh made a spectacular nationalist tour of the countryside, travelling from the temples of Angkor Wat to Phnom Penh, speaking favourably of full Cambodian independence and implicitly casting the king as a colonial creature. Several hundred thousand people lined the roads, raising banners proclaiming him ‘our hope’ and ‘national hero’. Although the Democrats had tried to tone down the tour, knowing that it could provoke Sihanouk’s jealousy and potentially hurt their cause
-makers wanted to make their work more convincing by taking the Bang Rajan monument as a point of departure to lend a greater ‘credibility’ to their rendering of history. The casting team’s top priority had been ‘a strong resemblance between the eleven statues at the [Bang Rajan] monument and the cast’. The team ‘worked very hard to transform each of them [the actors] though various methods like gaining weight, losing weight, developing muscles and tanning’. The main actor, Jaran Ngamdee, ‘was the casting team’s pride thanks to his [close] resemblance to the statue of Nai Jan
, republican or other – in former colonies emerging as independent states. Adopting a republican government in many cases meant not only casting off a European monarchy or the Japanese one (or the republican heirs of monarchical colonialism in the American, French and Portuguese cases) but also rejecting the re-establishment of an indigenous, pre-colonial monarchy. Finding a new king, often from a ruling family in another country, and founding a new dynasty – which had been the practice in such newly independent European countries as Greece, Belgium, Norway and Serbia in
geographies from a comfortable seat’ has become a great theme in modern literature on exploration, casting a long shadow in histories of geography and consigning the ‘easy chair’ geographer to a position of inaction and inferiority. 7 Yet sitting behind this shadow, obscured by this rhetoric, are many bundles of movement and non-movement that produced geographical knowledge, and this chapter seeks to bring them to light. Whilst ‘armchair travel’ has a long history within both scientific and literary realms, it has received relatively little critical attention in
in this matter might prove dangerous from the British point of view, for the foreigner is continually casting covetous eyes on this great region [of India and Africa] and its innumerable air possibilities’. He ominously warned that progress in establishing air communications should be speeded up if possible, because ‘all should remember that the foreigner has every intention of anticipating our efforts whenever he can’. 11 Cobham sounded a similar alarm, encouraging the readers of his book Skyways to ‘remember too it is vital to the safety of the nation that
many taken from the Lahore Treasury really was Ranjit Singh’s personal weapon. Excitement at this new revelation, unfortunately, was somewhat dampened by the emergence of evidence that Indian swords bearing this cartouche are relatively commonplace. In addition, the sword is not of the quality one would expect, nor is the inscription of a high level of craftsmanship. The provenance, it appeared, was not what had been claimed by the documentation, but this casting of doubt on the origins of the shamshir notwithstanding, the enthusiastic interest in it expressed by
Commonwealth’s changing nature requires attention to practices of intergovernmental relations and the associated body of political thought, and for these to be set in a global context. Neither set-piece constitutional moments nor a whiggish approach which emphasises continuity over change will get us far, casting the Commonwealth, to use the words of Keith Hancock, as the British Empire defined ‘in