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Community engagement and lifelong learning
Author: Peter Mayo

In this broad sweep, Mayo explores dominant European discourses of higher education, in the contexts of different globalisations and neoliberalism, and examines its extension to a specific region. It explores alternatives in thinking and practice including those at the grassroots, also providing a situationally grounded project of university–community engagement. Signposts for further directions for higher education lifelong learning, with a social justice purpose, are provided.

Abstract only
Rosemary Deem

 119 Postscript Rosemary Deem P eter Mayo’s book raises many significant questions about the effects of different types of globalisation under capitalism, especially hegemonic globalisation and what Mayo terms ‘globalisation from below’ on contemporary universities but with attention to sometimes somewhat less examined in educational contexts forms of globalisation such as globalisation of human rights or globalisation of the war on terror. Globalisation is indeed often referred to in contemporary analyses of higher education (King et al., 2013; Nerad and

in Higher education in a globalising world
Why ‘University’?
Thomas Docherty

Titles and entitlements: why ‘University’?55 2 Titles and entitlements: why ‘University’? Imagine having the power, freedom, and responsibility to organize an entire people into some kind of social, political, ethical, and cultural arrangement. Where might you begin? Almost certainly, you would not begin by suggesting that the first thing we would need is an institution like our contemporary University. Plato, in Republic, for example, starts his consideration of civic and social life with a different question, the question of justice. Fairly quickly, however

in The new treason of the intellectuals
Thomas Docherty

Orwellian undertone here should alert us to the political dangers of such inflation: it is consistent with an incipiently totalitarian political system, or at the very least with a profoundly authoritarian system and social structure. This, sadly, can describe many contemporary Universities, at least in terms of their internal governance. The older view of a University as a more or less democratic ‘collegium’ of scholars and students has now given way to a position in which ‘the University’ becomes identified as ‘senior management’ within each institution. The scholars

in The new treason of the intellectuals
Thomas Docherty

otherwise constant violence that would make life solitary, nasty, brutish, and short. In this view, politics exists in order to prevent us from having recourse to forms of physical violence to resolve competing interests. Unlike warring competition, it assuages our fears and allows for cooperation and cohabitation in an ecology whose key issue is that of enhanced survival. If we consider this in the more localized concern of the contemporary University, the question arises of where we might find our own ‘state’, our own over-arching authority to which all individual

in The new treason of the intellectuals
Thomas Docherty

The exceptional and the ordinary73 3 The exceptional and the ordinary The contemporary University, shaped by the prevailing norms of market fundamentalism and the commercialization of all human interests, does not spring up like a rabbit from a magician’s hat. Like all institutions it develops historically and according to specific conditions that make its emergence seem not only possible but also reasonable or even inevitable. As an institution that tacitly embodies conventionally ­ ncontroversial – and agreed values, it passes as entirely ordinary, u merely

in The new treason of the intellectuals
Thomas Docherty

latter, those various blocks to democratic freedom, identified here with a totalitarian State, have come to dominate and to shape the contemporary University on ‘our’ side of the Wall or Curtain just as much as on the other. Of course, to say such a thing is to invite disbelief: obviously, we do not work under tyrannical authoritarianism; obviously, we are free to speak out and have a full academic freedom that allows us to criticize our own institutions and their leaderships; obviously, we are not opposed to the common people in any way. To that, all I might say here

in The new treason of the intellectuals