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Global white nationalism is a path-breaking transnational history of white
nationalism in the English-speaking world from the post-World War II period to
the present. Nine chapters from leading experts in the histories of Australia,
Britain, southern Africa, and the United States explore the roots of the
contemporary resurgence of white supremacy evident in terrorist violence and
electoral gains by the racist right. After 1945, this book shows, white
nationalism emerged across the English-speaking world as a response to the
forces of decolonization, civil rights, mass migration, and the rise of
international institutions such as the United Nations. Far from a disappearing
ideology, white supremacy proved resilient and adaptive. As opposition to
apartheid rallied anti-racists globally, apartheid and Rhodesian independence
sustained white nationalists who fantasized about bygone eras of imperial
British or American greatness. In the era of decolonization and civil rights,
white nationalists—those on the far right and those closer to the mainstream of
conservative politics—formed key connections with counterparts throughout the
world. Uncovering this transnational history for the first time, Global white
nationalism is essential to understanding white nationalism today.
This book explores the processes through which nation-building policy approaches originated and developed over the last seven decades as well as the concepts and motivations that shaped them. In the process, the book explores the question of how the US became involved in nation building overseas in the first place, and explores the persistent questions about the relationship between order, security and development in nation-building projects. At the same time, the book points out lessons that should have been retained from America's Cold War nation-building efforts in developing areas. At the cost of a great deal of treasure and no small amount of blood, the United States implemented nation building and other internal security programs in dozens of developing countries at the height of the Cold War. A generation after these policies peaked in scope and intensity, the US embarked on similar projects in a range of countries, the most ambitious in Iraq and Afghanistan. However, recent studies of America's experience with nation-building neglect these Cold War experiences in the developing world, ignoring costly lessons from efforts by which the US attempted to build functioning, cohesive state institutions in less developed contexts, including new states emerging from the decolonization process.
-Africanisation at its core, then, redefines “Africanité” or “blackness.” 15 It finds sustenance in Fanon’s faithful words in his 1961 classic, The Wretched of the Earth , where he declared: “Decolonization is the veritable creation of new men”, of a “new humanity”, and the “‘thing’ which has been colonized becomes man”. 16
There is a deep, critical, self-reflexive dimension to Cabral’s concept of “return to the source”, one which – similar to Fanon’s theory of revolutionary decolonisation – openly acknowledges that the colonised transform not
nature, would appeal to developing countries. Raw materials producers
could trade with the USSR without the risks inherent in the international
capitalist market, with its price fluctuations, tariffs and exchange barriers.
In the years following the death of Stalin, the Soviet leadership also
began to offer aid and technical assistance to new states emerging from the
The aid war and reassessment
decolonization process. Moscow observed Washington’s project to encircle
the USSR with Mutual Security organizations, such as SEATO and the
Baghdad Pact, and employed aid
Eisenhower and the Overseas Internal Security Program
Thomas R. Seitz
allies, that these new governments would see alignment
with the free world as their only rational choice; they would hardly
wish to replace colonial domination with communist domination. At the
same time, Eisenhower’s security planners understood that these new
governments were fragile, and that the upheaval of the Second World War
years, the decolonization process, or both, had left economies and political
structures in disarray, presenting considerable opportunities for communist
penetration. New regimes had not adequately consolidated their authority
in many cases
Daniel Geary, Camilla Schofield, and Jennifer Sutton
politics of reaction to the promise of racial equality and decolonization. The term “white nationalism” was first coined in 1970 by white supremacists who sought to create a false equivalency with black nationalism. Though the numbers of self-identified “white nationalists” remain small, their ideas continue to resonate broadly, impacting contemporary debates about global demographic change, national identity, and mass migration. 2
We treat “race” in this volume as an unstable social construct, originating in the colonial history of the dispossession, extermination
over the past half century or more. The spectre of a “home” defiled by peoples once kept in their colonial place was remarkably reminiscent of the global upheavals of the 1960s, with the Powellite moment in England, the rebellion of Rhodesian whites against the principle of majority rule, and the wider dislocations of an unravelling empire among the scattered remnants of “Greater Britain”. It was equally consistent with the very earliest invocations of “decolonization” – a term originally coined in Germany in the 1920s to describe the sudden loss of the German