rights organizations, the use of such criteria suffered from a number of limitations, but they were particularly unhelpful when it came to evaluating the achievements of Black Power spokespersons and the groups they represented. The achievements of race leaders like Malcolm X and Stokely Carmichael generally took more subtle, less tangible, forms. These included community empowerment, heightened racial pride and consciousness, and a decolonization of the black ghetto mind, rather than specific political initiatives to address the physical problems of the inner cities
-Africanisation at its core, then, redefines “Africanité” or “blackness.” 15 It finds sustenance in Fanon’s faithful words in his 1961 classic, The Wretched of the Earth , where he declared: “Decolonization is the veritable creation of new men”, of a “new humanity”, and the “‘thing’ which has been colonized becomes man”. 16
There is a deep, critical, self-reflexive dimension to Cabral’s concept of “return to the source”, one which – similar to Fanon’s theory of revolutionary decolonisation – openly acknowledges that the colonised transform not
was replaced by the young, charismatic John F. Kennedy. His presidency symbolized the advent of a new generation with new political ideals. The USA was deeply shaken when Kennedy was assassinated in Texas in October 1963 and replaced by the Texan Senator Lyndon B. Johnson (1963–69). In the USSR, the Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev was toppled in a palace coup in 1964 and replaced by Leonid Brezhnev.
One of the most significant issues that marked international relations during these years was that of decolonization. Nations in Asia and Africa demanded self
In this chapter we look at the work and perspectives of historians in the field of postcolonial history. The decades immediately following the Second World War have often been described as the ‘age of decolonization’. During the second half of the twentieth century the European powers granted independence to, or were forced out of, colonies acquired over the previous four centuries. 1 The magnitude of European imperial expansion may be measured both by its unprecedented geographic spread, and the millions of human beings whose lives and cultures were
Era of Decolonization: The Examples of British and French Africa’ , in M. Jerónimo and A. Costa Pinto (eds), The Ends of European Colonial Empires: Cases and Comparisons (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), pp. 15–50.
5 See pp. 86–87.
6 Randall Packard, ‘Visions of Postwar Health and Development and Their Impact on Public Health Interventions in the Developing World’, in F. Cooper and R. Packard (eds), International Development and the Social Sciences (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1997), pp. 93–96; Joseph M. Hodge
Stepping back somewhat, I now propose to offer some ecocritical political orientation, starting with some of the standard ‘green’ political positions on which environmental humanities stands or, at its most extreme edges, deconstructs or makes newly radical. Andrew Dobson, in his useful introduction to Green Political Thought , defines ‘political ecology’ (a term used purposefully by T. J. Demos in Decolonizing Nature , for instance) as a viewpoint that holds that ‘a sustainable and fulfilling existence presupposes radical changes in our relationship with the non
diverse domains where a materialist, ecological art history might seem most obviously to exist.
1 See T. J. Demos’s opening observation in Decolonizing Nature , that art history and visual studies have ignored political ecology. T. J. Demos, Decolonizing Nature: Contemporary Art and the Politics of Ecology (Berlin: Sternberg Press, 2016), 7.
2 Clark, Ecocriticism on the Edge , 32.
3 Reprinted in Charles Harrison and Paul Wood, Art in Theory, 1900–1990: An Anthology of Changing Ideas (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), 1073
notes some of the changes that occurred within each of the blocs – within the Communist bloc frictions were visible on the 1955 Bandung Conference; within the West frictions broke out as a result of the 1956 Suez Crisis. The chapter also notes how the two superpowers busily build atomic weapons and accumulate huge nuclear arsenals. Finally, the chapter notes how the overseas empires of European powers begin to unravel.
These two processes – the nuclear arms race and decolonization – affected the superpower rivalry so deeply that they became defining elements
half of the twentieth century, wars of liberation faded and became a phenomenon of the past. Chailand made a similar argument about wars of revolution: such wars were in effect a creation of modern, revolutionary states like China and the USSR. These wars were a distinct phenomenon during the course of the Cold War – especially during the phase of decolonization when the Soviets sponsored radical movements to take power in Third World countries. However, after the collapse of communism in the USSR and China, revolutionary wars largely disappeared. This has left only
.), Children and War: A Historical Anthology (New York: New York University Press, 2002), pp. 184–199.
26 Constitution of the World Health Organization, p. 2, at http://whqlibdoc.who.int/hist/official_records/constitution.pdf (accessed November 2018).
27 Sunil Amrith, Decolonizing International Health: India and Southeast Asia, 1930–65 (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), pp. 72–98.
28 On human rights in the 1970s, see Jan Eckel and Samuel Moyn (eds), The Breakthrough: Human Rights in the 1970s (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania