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The Radcliffe boundary commission and the partition of Punjab
Author: Lucy P. Chester

This book is the first full-length study of the 1947 drawing of the Indo-Pakistani boundary in Punjab. It uses the Radcliffe commission, headed by Sir Cyril Radcliffe , as a window onto the decolonisation and independence of India and Pakistan. Examining the competing interests that influenced the actions of the various major players, the book highlights British efforts to maintain a grip on India even as the decolonisation process spun out of control. It examines the nature of power relationships within the colonial state, with a focus on the often-veiled exertion of British colonial power. With conflict between Hindus , Muslims and Sikhs reaching unprecedented levels in the mid-1940s , British leaders felt compelled to move towards decolonization. The partition was to be perceived as a South Asian undertaking, with British officials acting only as steady and impartial guides. Radcliffe's use of administrative boundaries reinforced the impact of imperial rule. The boundaries that Radcliffe defined turned out to be restless divisions, and in both the 1965 and 1971 wars India and Pakistan battled over their Punjabi border. After the final boundary, known as the 'Radcliffe award', was announced, all sides complained that Radcliffe had not taken the right 'other factors' into account. Radcliffe's loyalty to British interests is key to understanding his work in 1947. Drawing on extensive archival research in India, Pakistan and Britain, combined with innovative use of cartographic sources, the book paints a vivid picture of both the partition process and the Radcliffe line's impact on Punjab.

The role(s) of the military in Southeast Asia
Alex J. Bellamy and Bryn Hughes

of threats: threats emanating from China and the necessity of ‘balancing’ Chinese hegemony; threats relating to territorial disputes produced by decolonization; and secessionist and Islamist threats. Between them these portrayals of threat constitute a powerful case for insisting on the centrality of military force to the provision of security from threats emanating from

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Abstract only
Michael J. Boyle

society. As the Introduction notes, these factors will be present in different proportion in each case, yet one or some combination of them will produce the dominant frame or interpretation for the threat of terrorism that will determine the government's response. For some countries, like Egypt and Algeria, the history of violence within the state – specifically, the struggles for decolonization and the attending social fissures that came about afterwards – looms large and determines much about who is, and is not, considered a terrorist. For others, like Saudi Arabia

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
Disputed boundaries of a postcolonial state
Evan A. Laksmana and Michael Newell

that the biggest threats to the state, and thus the military, would come from its own people – as its history seems to suggest. The Indonesian military's experience in this regard is in some ways similar to the experience of many third-world states undergoing decolonization in the 1950s and 1960s. The need to manage internal security threats with underdeveloped state capacity and political institutions is similar, but the manner and rationale in which the Indonesian military did so – through its ‘dual function’ doctrine – came from its unique guerrilla warfare

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
Security aid, impunity and Muslim alienation
Jeremy Prestholdt

), available at: http://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/tjrc/6 (accessed 21 April 2015). 8 David Anderson, Histories of the Hanged: The Dirty War in Kenya and the End of Empire (New York: W.W. Norton, 2005); Caroline Elkins, Imperial Reckoning: The Untold Story of Britain's Gulag in Kenya (New York: Henry Holt, 2005); Daniel Branch, Defeating Mau Mau, Creating Kenya: Counterinsurgency, Civil War, and Decolonization (New York: Cambridge, 2009). 9 Daniel Branch, ‘Loyalists, Mau Mau, and elections in Kenya: The first triumph of the system, 1957

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
Joseph Heller

decolonization and independence offered Communism a shorter road to the defeat of imperialism, he maintained. A nuclear war was unthinkable, but wars of national liberation such as those in Algeria and Vietnam were inevitable and worthy of Soviet support. Khrushchev distinguished between a worldwide nuclear war, local wars and wars of national liberation. The Soviet Union, he said, should help colonized peoples

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
Abstract only
Heike Wieters

international stages. 9 Given that the twentieth century was marked by two world wars, the bipolar international order of the Cold War, together with the turbulence of decolonization and sundry civil wars, it should not surprise us that private agencies subsequently became preeminent in the realms of conflict-related humanitarian relief, international disaster relief, and hunger prevention. Nevertheless, the

in The NGO CARE and food aid From America, 1945–80
Abstract only
Heike Wieters

connection between CARE and the US government resulted from the persistence of an altered war rationale, induced by growing systemic rivalry with the Soviet Union and its allies. Both the Cold War and parallel decolonization processes prolonged and redefined the state of international emergency, thereby fostering an extension of interventionist state policies at many levels. 6 Making friends for America

in The NGO CARE and food aid From America, 1945–80
Heike Wieters

political and geostrategic reasons, the CARE management underscored both the organization’s status as an actor in its own right, but also its awareness of national security issues and its readiness to contribute to American policies and diplomacy in the overall context of decolonization and US containment policies in the Middle East. Reality bites – setting up a private

in The NGO CARE and food aid From America, 1945–80
Heike Wieters

decolonization processes turned development into a highly politicized dimension of international relations. 85 Development was an agenda, a multifaceted discourse, and an institutional framework put forward by a variety of state and particularly non-state actors promoting and “doing” development in a number of different ways. At the beginning of the 1960s, however, it acquired a new status – ideologically as

in The NGO CARE and food aid From America, 1945–80