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contextualise the gacaca practice. Such a contextualisation is important in order to understand processes of territorialisation and deterritorialisation of the gacaca assemblage. Through these notions I am evoking the forces at play in and on the gacaca practice resulting in different types or styles of truth interacting in the gacaca assemblage : the forensic truth , the moral truth , the effectual truth and, what I refer to as the Truth-with-a-Capital-T . The first is a consequence of the design of the court system, the second is derived from the socio
–423). Movement itself becomes an expression of war against the state in a context where the power of the sovereign depends upon its ability to determine and defend territorial limits. Yet this refusal of nomadic life to be bounded by the limits determined by sovereignty, its habitual recovery of its potential powers to shift and escape the boundaries set by states, and the processes of the deterritorialisation of sovereignty which this induces, becomes over time, Deleuze and Guattari argue, a constitutive function within the process of the reproduction of state power. The
approach to the State emerges in their philosophical distinction between deterritorialisation and reterritorialisation. In What is philosophy?, Deleuze and Guattari (1994: 67–8) argue that we ‘need to see how everyone, at every age, in the smallest things as in the greatest challenges, seeks a territory, tolerates or carries out deterritorialisations, and is reterritorialised on almost anything – memory, fetish or dream’. This process of deterritorialisation and reterritorialisation permeates the State and the city. State and City, on the contrary, carry out a
Refiguring childhood stages a series of encounters with biosocial power, which is a specific zone of intensity within the more encompassing arena of biopower and biopolitics. Assembled at the intersection of thought and practice, biosocial power attempts to bring envisioned futures into the present, taking hold of life in the form of childhood, thereby bridging being and becoming while also shaping the power relations that encapsulate the social and cultural world(s) of adults and children. Taking up a critical perspective which is attentive to the contingency of childhoods – the ways in which particular childhoods are constituted and configured – the method used in the book is a transversal genealogy that moves between past and present while also crossing a series of discourses and practices framed by children’s rights (the right to play), citizenship, health, disadvantage and entrepreneurship education. The overarching analysis converges on contemporary neoliberal enterprise culture, which is approached as a conjuncture that helps to explain, and also to trouble, the growing emphasis on the agency and rights of children. It is against the backdrop of this problematic that the book makes its case for refiguring childhood. Focusing on the how, where and when of biosocial power, Refiguring childhood will appeal to researchers and students interested in examining the relationship between power and childhood through the lens of social and political theory, sociology, cultural studies, history and geography.
starting point here is the realisation that the establishment of Northern Ireland by the Government of Ireland Act in 1920 was a process of re/deterritorialisation of the UK state which satisfied neither unionists nor nationalists. Unionists saw the creation of a Northern Ireland parliament as a partially successful challenge to an ascendant cultural Irish nationalism from which they felt alienated.1 For nationalists, the very existence of Northern Ireland was seen as an artificial remnant of an incomplete process of decolonisation, marking the tail end of centuries of
effects of the crisis, paying attention to its non-territorial, monetary dimensions. The analysis also revealed that developments in AQ propaganda over time occurred in a manner that reflected the organisation’s own de-territorialisation, while incorporating rhetorically sophisticated techniques. These included Bin Laden’s display of his education as cultural capital, Zawahiri’s appeal to collectivisation and social capital, and both leaders’ overarching reference to the ideals of anti-capitalist disenfranchisement as a ‘subjugated habitus’ ( Bourdieu 1984 , 1986
lingering notions of national chauvinism, has an approach to peace and peacebuilding unlike any other. Out of a history of territorial nationalism Europe has fashioned a hugely successful (both in historical and contemporary contexts) project of liberalisation, demilitarisation, anti-nationalism, and deterritorialisation (to a degree), development, and integrated governance structures and standards. Witness its embrace of concepts such as ‘normative power’, as a basis for its legitimate authority.11 Such late European hubris has been nicely punctured, however, as simply
cultural substance with administrative regions on the one hand and English ‘icons’ on the other. (Indeed, the Labour Government’s search for icons of Englishness was an illustration of life imitating art, in this case Julian Barnes’s novel England, England, in which the entrepreneur Sir Jack Pitman constructs a theme park England on the Isle of Wight based on the ‘Fifty Quintessences of Englishness’.) What is even more sinister, this de-territorialisation and de-culturalisation is also thought to be part of a larger project to surrender sovereignty to Europe. If Lloyd
civilization’, Human Figurations, 2:1 (2013). A similar point is made by H. Kreutzmann, ‘From modernization theory towards the “clash of civilizations”: directions and paradigm shifts in Samuel Huntington’s analysis and prognosis of global development’, GeoJournal, 46 (1998), pp. 255–65 at p. 260. 59 U. Beck, The Cosmopolitan Vision (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2006). For a contemporary survey of this aspect, see B. Bowden, The Empire of Civilization: The Evolution of an Imperial Idea (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009). 60 The thesis of deterritorialisation may
links with the rest of Europe’ (Article 9). 20 As a consequence of the Maastricht Treaty, Ireland and the UK adopted the principle of subsidiarity, which fitted well with the devolution and cross-border initiatives of the 1990s. The EU’s regional policies were conducive to a growing responsiveness to notions of deterritorialisation of politics. The partnership principle and idea