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Ayca Arkilic

international factors that lead states to harness their émigré populations and to build diaspora organisations 49 or looked at ethical dimensions of extraterritorial citizenship, de-ethnicisation or de-territorialisation. 50 As Fiona B. Adamson has succinctly summarised, 51 other branches within diaspora studies have examined the role of diasporas in democratisation, economic

in Diaspora diplomacy
Niilo Kauppi

English. The second significant process of de-territorialisation since the 1990s is the Internet, which has created a virtual public sphere where debate is conducted on all kinds of issues. New social movements have succeeded in using the Internet to further their messages, redefining politics and creating fora for a 'world opinion'. The expansion of the English-language public sphere and the Internet de facto unify the national European public spheres and create a common European public sphere by connecting Europe to global cultural and political post-Cold War

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union
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The psychogeography of sectarianism in Northern Irish photography
George Legg

in ‘colonizing social life’.70 Across these theorisations, space is seen to be invaded and transformed; it is disturbed and recoded in ways that restrict and realign the uncertainties that constitute our spatial understanding. In many ways these incursions are, to invoke Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s terminology, a moment of deterritorialisation that facilitates the constrictions of reterritorialisation. Like the capitalist relations Deleuze and Guattari describe, sectarian expressions haunt their ­landscapes – ­controlling them through fear and agitation, as

in Northern Ireland and the politics of boredom
The search for a place vision after the ‘troubles’
William J. V. Neill
Geraint Ellis

starting point here is the realisation that the establishment of Northern Ireland by the Government of Ireland Act in 1920 was a process of re/deterritorialisation of the UK state which satisfied neither unionists nor nationalists. Unionists saw the creation of a Northern Ireland parliament as a partially successful challenge to an ascendant cultural Irish nationalism from which they felt alienated.1 For nationalists, the very existence of Northern Ireland was seen as an artificial remnant of an incomplete process of decolonisation, marking the tail end of centuries of

in Northern Ireland after the troubles
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Imogen Richards

effects of the crisis, paying attention to its non-territorial, monetary dimensions. The analysis also revealed that developments in AQ propaganda over time occurred in a manner that reflected the organisation’s own de-territorialisation, while incorporating rhetorically sophisticated techniques. These included Bin Laden’s display of his education as cultural capital, Zawahiri’s appeal to collectivisation and social capital, and both leaders’ overarching reference to the ideals of anti-capitalist disenfranchisement as a ‘subjugated habitus’ ( Bourdieu 1984 , 1986

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
A critical and integrative literature review
Aleksandra Grzymala-Kazlowska

mobilities occur dialectically and this dyad is required in order to, on the one hand, problematise these notions and, on the other hand, combine both the ‘sedentarist’ perspective which treats place, stability and dwelling as a natural steady state, and the narratives of deterritorialisation, fluidity and liquidity (Bauman 2000 ). Hannam, Sheller and Urry's idea of moorings ( 2006 ) is also beneficial to understand differentiated opportunities and constraints in the processes of adaptation and settling visible in the processes of anchoring (including their material

in Rethinking settlement and integration
Open Access (free)
Surveillance and transgender bodies in a post-9/ 11 era of neoliberalism
Christine Quinan

gendered and sexed national bodies. (Bhanji 2013 : 517) Indeed, Feinberg’s novel is specifically engaging with intersections between citizenship, movement, and gender – and their attendant deterritorialisation and reterritorialisation – that Bhanji describes. As an aside, I want to ask what Max, who has no

in Security/ Mobility
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Saul Newman

the danger that the collective assemblages and ‘becoming-minorities’ – which they see as new political figures of resistance and deterritorialisation – can themselves turn fascist: the problem of [ 81 ] Unstable universalities ‘micro-fascisms’.27 However, it is difficult to understand this deformation of desire into fascism and the emergence of ‘micro-fascisms’ without some understanding of the psyche and the field of drives and ‘passionate attachments’. As Freud recognised, the emergence of the group as a distinct political formation – whether it be the mob or

in Unstable universalities
Saul Newman

Manifesto, he talked about the way that capitalism itself leads to the sweeping away of ‘all fixed, fast frozen relations’.3 Postmodernism and global capitalism, it would seem, have a similarly deterritorialising effect. However, as Deleuze and Guattari pointed out, for every deterritorialisation there is also a reterritorialisation. In other words, while capitalism releases flows of flux and becoming, it also ‘codes’ these back into its own structures and into those of the state. I have also highlighted a similar tendency in postmodernity itself: while it leads to the

in Unstable universalities