Up or down with the ecology cycle?
Strategies for temporally rational
Political terms and ecological cycles
Next budget and next election; dominant time spans in politics
From the early nineteenth century onwards, the dominant political view of time was one of continuous ‘progress’ with the state
at the centre of change (Ekengren 1998:30). This linear conception of time is, however, just one possible view. Political time can
also be seen as (series of) distinct events or as connected points
communications in the future. But we know that, in our new information ecology, trust is more
vital than ever before. We must support media institutions and citizens as they seek out
Allcott , H. and
M. ( 2017 ),
‘ Social Media and Fake News in the 2016 Election ’,
Journal of Economic Perspectives , 31 : 2 ,
211 – 36 .
H. ( 2017 ),
‘ Media Perspectives: A Means to an End? Creating a Market for
Humanitarian News from Africa
of selfhood and right to participate in this world. Moreover, violence is absolutely integral to the markings of subjectivity, setting apart claims about identity, along with notions of civility and barbarism. Violence is always mediated through expressed dichotomies between acceptable and unacceptable behaviours, between the right to punish and the intolerable transgression, between the force of normative law and the terror of the minority. In fact, there is an entire political ecology at work in the very diagnosis of something as political violence in itself
Redfield , P.
( 2015 ), ‘ Medical
Vulnerability, or Where There is No Kit ’,
Limn , Issue 5: Ebola’s Ecologies, https://limn.it/articles/medical-vulnerability-or-where-there-is-no-kit/
: Médecins Sans
Frontières (MSF) ).
Holling , C.
S. ( 1973 ),
‘ Resilience and Stability of Ecological Systems ’,
Annual Review of Ecology and Systematics , 4 ,
1 – 23 .
Hosein , G. and
C . ( 2013 ), Aiding
Surveillance: An Exploration of How Development and Humanitarian Aid Initiatives are Enabling
Surveillance in Developing Countries ( London :
Privacy International ).
HPG ( 2018 ), A Design Experiment:
Imagining Alternative Humanitarian Action
The book analyzes capitalism’s growing destructiveness and the cost–benefit contradiction it generates. Its new conception of the surplus, which recognizes not just capitalist businesses but also households and the public sector as sites of surplus production, links capitalism’s destructiveness to that system’s use of the surplus. Capital’s use of the surplus turns scientific knowledge and technique into forces of destruction, and the book illustrates this dynamic by making reference to the growth of a consumerist culture, to massive military spending, and to other technologies that fuel a deepening ecological crisis. This crisis, along with economic and public health crises as well as a crisis of political democracy, are also analyzed as being intimately linked to capitalism’s use of the surplus. It is capitalism’s undemocratic control of the surplus by capitalist elites, moreover, that ultimately leads to the cost–benefit contradiction of contemporary societies: the futility of our consumerist culture no longer translates productive development into correspondingly growing human well-being, while the simultaneous growth of capitalism’s forces of destruction increasingly endangers human beings and the planet. Thus, this contradiction creates the potential for an opposition to capitalism and its exploitative and destructive nature by a wide range of social movements, both “old” (such as the labor and socialist movements) and “new” (for example, the feminist, anti-racist, ecological, and peace movements). To address capitalism’s contradiction, a democratic classless society is required, but the book also analyzes how capitalism’s operation obstructs the formation of an anti-capitalist coalition fighting for such an alternative.
otherwise constant violence that would make life
solitary, nasty, brutish, and short. In this view, politics exists in order
to prevent us from having recourse to forms of physical violence to
resolve competing interests. Unlike warring competition, it assuages
our fears and allows for cooperation and cohabitation in an ecology
whose key issue is that of enhanced survival.
If we consider this in the more localized concern of the contemporary University, the question arises of where we might find our
own ‘state’, our own over-arching authority to which all individual
How do secular Jewish-Israeli millennials feel about the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, having come of age in the shadow of the failed Oslo peace process, when political leaders have used ethno-religious rhetoric as a dividing force? This is the first book to analyse blowback to Palestinian and Jewish-Israeli religious nationalism among this group in their own words. It is based on fieldwork, interviews and surveys conducted after the 2014 Gaza War. Offering a close reading of the lived experience and generational memory of participants, it offers a new explanation for why attitudes to Occupation have grown increasingly conservative over the past two decades. It examines the intimate emotional ecology of Occupation, offering a new argument about neo-Romantic conceptions of citizenship among this group. Beyond the case study, it also offers a new theoretical framework and research methods for researchers and students studying emotion, religion, nationalism, secularism and political violence around the world.
organisational structure is meant to lower the boundaries between politics
and civil society: the ‘movement’ should remain a policy tool and nothing
more. The Greens abide by these founding principles, maintaining a
collective memory of the party’s origins as well as transforming it to cope
with contemporary political challenges.
Building a ‘different’ party
Comparative analysis has revealed that, in general, ecology parties in
Western Europe abide by similar principles in their organisational structures (Richardson and Rootes, 1995, Vialatte, 1996). Their organisations
This book examines the relationship between environmental justice and citizen
science, focusing on enduring issues and new challenges in a post-truth
age. Debates over science, facts, and values have always been pivotal within
environmental justice struggles. For decades, environmental justice activists
have campaigned against the misuses of science, while at the same time engaging
in community-led citizen science. However, post-truth politics
has threatened science itself. This book makes the case for the importance of
science, knowledge, and data that are produced by and for ordinary people living
with environmental risks and hazards. The international, interdisciplinary
contributions range from grassroots environmental justice struggles in American
hog country and contaminated indigenous communities, to local environmental
controversies in Spain and China, to questions about “knowledge justice,”
citizenship, participation, and data in citizen science surrounding
toxicity. The book features inspiring studies of community-based participatory
environmental health and justice research; different ways of sensing,
witnessing, and interpreting environmental injustice; political strategies for
seeking environmental justice; and ways of expanding the concepts and forms of
engagement of citizen science around the world. While the book will be of
critical interest to specialists in social and environmental sciences, it will
also be accessible to graduate and postgraduate audiences. More broadly, the
book will appeal to members of the public interested in social justice issues,
as well as community members who are thinking about participating in citizen
science and activism. Toxic Truths includes distinguished contributing authors
in the field of environmental justice, alongside cutting-edge research from
emerging scholars and community activists.