The Progressive League and the quest for sexual reform in British politics, 1932–59
, ‘The Federation of Progressive Societies and Individuals’, Journal of Contemporary History, 11 (1976), 49–82. Throughout its long existence, the organisation also
ran a full programme of cultural activities – most notably music, poetry, theatre trips,
painting, country dancing and rambling.
The Progressive League and the quest for sexual reform 135
This chapter will examine the role of the little-known PL in the
progress of sexual reform in the mid-twentieth century, including birth
control, eugenics, abortion law reform
human behaviour. In the present ideological climate, this means that biotechnology might help to consolidate
the moral and market fundamentalisms of the Right (Knapp et al., 1996;
As such, this chapter takes issue with two recent interventions by
prominent authors of the Right, Charles Murray and Francis Fukayama.
After the new social democracy
The next section critiques Murray’s position and the chapter then proceeds to argue that in order to prevent the emergence of ‘laissez-faire
eugenics’, we must implement
This chapter analyses the principles of sustainability and attention of ecowelfare by studying the new genetics. It argues for a multidimensional conception of human nature where the maintenance of diversity through social solutions (rather than technological fixes) should be the priority. It discusses the positions of Charles Murray and Francis Fukayama on eugenics. This concludes that we should only be allowed to improve human well-being through biotechnology if we are also prepared to improve it through the implementation of policies based upon distributive justice and attention.
requires a specific legal provision; but it is easy enough
to make provision for more or less anything, and the mtDNA provision is
important because it appears to break the back of the principled prohibition
on human genetic engineering. From a certain perspective, there is little
difference between adding desirable genes to a zygote or embryo by mtDNA
transfer and adding other desirable genes by other methods.
The spectre of eugenics haunts the debate at this juncture, and the word
has been used to describe mitochondrial transfer in the media (Newman
2013). On the face
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
Nationalism has reasserted itself today as the political force of our times, remaking European politics wherever one looks. Britain is no exception, and in the midst of Brexit, it has even become a vanguard of nationalism's confident return to the mainstream. Brexit, in the course of generating a historically unique standard of sociopolitical uncertainty and constitutional intrigue, tore apart the two-party compact that had defined the parameters of political contestation for much of twentieth-century Britain. This book offers a wide-ranging picture of the different theoretical accounts relevant to addressing nationalism. It briefly repudiates the increasingly common attempts to read contemporary politics through the lens of populism. The book explores the assertion of 'muscular liberalism' and civic nationalism. It examines more traditional, conservative appeals to racialised notions of blood, territory, purity and tradition as a means of reclaiming the nation. The book also examines how neoliberalism, through its recourse to discourses of meritocracy, entrepreneurial self and individual will, alongside its exaltation of a 'points-system' approach to the ills of immigration, engineers its own unique rendition of the nationalist crisis. There are a number of important themes through which the process of liberal nationalism can be documented - what Arun Kundnani captured, simply and concisely, as the entrenchment of 'values racism'. These include the 'faux-feminist' demonisation of Muslims.
7 is also a revision of two earlier pieces of work: ‘Dis/Counting the Future’, Social Policy Review 13 (2001), edited by Rob Sykes, Cath
Bochel and Nick Ellison, and ‘Making Welfare for Future Generations’,
Social Policy and Administration 35(5) (2001). I am grateful to Policy Press
and Blackwell, respectively, for permission to use these.
Chapter 8 is a revised version of ‘Before The Cradle: New Genetics,
Biopolicy And Regulated Eugenics’, Journal of Social Policy 30(4) (2001).
Reprinted with permission of Cambridge University Press.
The rest of the book was
Transgender patients in early Swedish medical research
people on behalf of claims to social integration’ (15–16, my emphasis).
I begin by giving my interpretation of Foucault’s notion of ‘state racism’ as a biopolitical account of eugenics. I then move to examine the history of the Swedish, state-controlled diagnostic process of ‘transsexuality’ in the context of bioprecarity and intimate labour. I will also analyse how American sexology shaped the Swedish discourse. Finally, I will locate points of tension, disruption, intervention and resistance in the midst of bioprecarization.
‘Racism against the abnormal
Indigeneity, bioprecarity and the construction of the embodied self – an artist’s view
Katarina Pirak Sikku and Gabriele Griffin
preoccupations with classifications and the emerging possibilities that statistics afforded. Chambers 20th Century Dictionary rather coyly, or neutrally, defines eugenics as ‘the science of race improvement’ and Chapter 12 in this volume indicates that institutes for such ‘science’ were widespread in the early twentieth century across European countries. One such institute was the State Institute for Racial Biology in Uppsala, Sweden. 1 This institute, in modified form part of the university at which the co-authors of this chapter currently work, features indirectly in
traced to some contamination of the ruling race with inferior foreign blood. But Hitler’s
efforts to distinguish a Nordic Herrenvolk from the lesser breeds which
surrounded it and from corruption within were incoherent. Hitler,
Binchy explained, would extend sterilisation policies to those who
were either corporally or mentally unfitted to have vigorous offspring.4
Aryan, Binchy explained, was a term made fashionable by nineteenthcentury pseudo-ethnologists. Races as Hitler understood these did not
exist and, as such, their purity could hardly be defended by eugenics