MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 01/16/2014, SPi
An overview of FarRightpolitical parties
in the Balkan region and political
The aim of this chapter is to describe the overall Far Right scene in the region
and indicate cases for further analysis. In order to be preselected for further
investigation, the party must have been depicted by researchers as a Far Right
party and must have gained at least one seat during parliamentary elections in
the 2000–2010 period.
The Far Right in Croatia
In 1999, Ivan Grdešić noted that the presence of the Croatian
Adjusting the contrast National and cultural identity, ethnicity and difference have always been major themes within the national psyche. People are witnessing the rise and visibility of far-right politics and counter-movements in the UK and USA. Simultaneously, there is an urgent need to defend the role of public service media. This book emerges at a time when these shifts and conjunctures that impact on and shape how 'race' and racial difference are perceived. They are coinciding with rapidly changing media contexts and environments and the kinds of racial representations that are constructed within public service broadcasting (PSB), specifically the BBC and Channel 4. The book explores a range of texts and practices that address the ongoing phenomenon of race and its relationship to television. Policies and the management of race; transnationalism and racial diversity; historical questions of representation; the myth of a multicultural England are also explored. It interrogates three television primarily created by women, written by women, feature women in most of the lead roles, and forcefully reassert the place of women in British history. The book contributes to the range of debates around television drama and black representation, examining BBC's Shoot the Messenger and Top Boy. Finally, it explores some of the history that led to the belated breakthrough of Black and Asian British comedy. The book also looks at the production of jokes about race and colour prior to the 1980s and 1990s, and questioning what these jokes tell us about British multiculturalism in this period.
Since 1990 the wolf has been a protected species in Germany; killing a wolf is a crime punishable by a prison sentence of up to five years. In Eastern Germany, where the political ground is shifting to the right, locals argue that the wolves are not German but Western Polish, undeserving of protection since they have invaded Saxon territory and threatened the local way of life. Many people in Eastern Germany feel that the wolf, like the migrant, has been a problem for years, but that nobody in power is listening to them. At a time when nationalist parties are on the rise everywhere in Europe, The wolves are coming back offers an insight into the rise of Eastern German fringe political movements and agitation against both migrants and wolves by hunters, farmers, rioters and self-appointed saviours of the nation. The nationalist Alternative for Germany (AfD) represents the third-largest party in the German federal parliament, with representation in the vast majority of German states. It draws much of its support from regions that have been referred to as the ‘post-traumatic places’ in Eastern Germany, structured by realities of disownment, disenfranchisement and a lack of democratic infrastructure. Pates and Leser provide an account of the societal roots of a new group of radical right parties, whose existence and success we always assumed to be impossible.
is not just farrightpolitics but that of Government and
mainstream opposition. Further, asylum seekers have been demonised in parts of
the media and, perhaps more startlingly, under-protected by law. The result is that
we lock up far too many of these desperate and vulnerable people. We lock them
up for far too long, in some cases up to ﬁve years. We lock them up with their
children. We lock up lone children with adult strangers (while we argue about
their true age). We lock up victims of unlawful past imprisonment, and of rape and
torture. We provide inadequate
political party (in Montenegro’s case, DPS; in Croatia, HDZ) which
left no space for Far Right formations. The tactics and strategy of HDZ and
DPS were important determinants in the failure of the Far Right parties in
these countries. Both parties openly promoted independence. HDZ even
secretly negotiated for the division of BiH and the creation of Greater Croatia.
The chief political players promoted nationalism and left no space for FarRightpolitical parties.
Albania, with a large Albanian population outside its borders could present
a grand opportunity for the Far
MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 01/16/2014, SPi
External supply side: the roots of success
and political opportunity structures
in successful cases
This chapter is devoted to variables which might potentially influence the
success of FarRightpolitical parties. After reviewing scholarship focused on
the roots of success and political opportunity structures, we will closely
explore the Serbian, Bulgarian and Romanian milieu and try to apply potential
variables for these cases.
Some scholars suspect the good fortune enjoyed by the parties has mostly
resulted from a
This text focuses on the far right in the Balkan region, i.e., in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. The ideological features, strategy and tactics, internal organization, leadership and collaboration in far right parties are treated under the label "internal supply-side". The "external supply side", then, includes the analysis of political, social, economic, ethno-cultural and international variables. The final chapters deal with voters for the far right, legislative implementation and far right organizations. The analysis of the far right parties in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania shows the main factors important for the success of these parties in these countries are: charismatic leadership and strong party organization, the position and strategy of the mainstream parties, the state-building process, a strong national minority or diaspora abroad, electoral design and an international configuration.
hysteria’ and for being ‘alarmist’. This kind of discourse is intended to vilify the Greens. 16
The far right is frequently presented as engaging in overly affective politics by harnessing and amplifying a multiplicity of negative emotions. Far-rightpolitics is said to be characterised by the use of fear, 17 the rhetorics of rage and anger, 18 and expressions of hatred. 19 Yet a few problems arise from a dualistic and normative conception of the political affects on the far right. 20 Whilst negative emotions are considered only in the context of far-rightpolitics
Change needs hope, time, a movement and a political organisation that can address and transform the dynamics of power. Even though the late 2010s saw the rise of a number of new left parties, like Podemos in Spain, Razem in Poland, Momentum in the UK, Diem25 in the EU or the movement around Bernie Sanders in the USA, most of those parties have failed at gaining much political traction, and their strategic reach is still too small to ensure a lasting political transformation, especially in comparison to the scale of the far-rightpolitical offensive
how to retain their jobs in a fast-changing, globalized world revise their value
system, bringing about a ‘silent counterrevolution’. The term encompasses
the rise of Green and post-materialist parties under generational, ecological
and societal change.
With the rise of Far Right parties in Western Europe and the fall of the Iron
Curtain, researchers began to set their sights on the countries of the former
Eastern Bloc. In so doing, significant questions arose: is the FarRightpolitical
family of Eastern Europe comparable to that of Western Europe? Is the same