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A history of northern soul

This book is a social history of northern soul. It examines the origins and development of this music scene, its clubs, publications and practices, by locating it in the shifting economic and social contexts of the English midlands and north in the 1970s. The popularity of northern soul emerged in a period when industrial working-class communities were beginning to be transformed by deindustrialisation and the rise of new political movements around the politics of race, gender and locality. The book makes a significant contribution to the historiography of youth culture, popular music and everyday life in post-war Britain. The authors draw on an expansive range of sources including magazines/fanzines, diaries, letters, and a comprehensive oral history project to produce a detailed, analytical and empathetic reading of an aspect of working-class culture that was created and consumed by thousands of young men and women in the 1970s. A range of voices appear throughout the book to highlight the complexity of the role of class, race and gender, locality and how such identities acted as forces for both unity and fragmentation on the dance floors of iconic clubs such as the Twisted Wheel (Manchester), the Torch (Stoke-on-Trent), the Catacombs (Wolverhampton) and the Casino (Wigan).

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Paul Jackson

is that female leadership generates a more moderated, ‘feminine’ form of far-right politics. As the case of Marine Le Pen exemplifies, when expert of the French context James Shields closely scrutinised Front National policies, many of its policy changes did not actually moderate the party position, 20 suggesting the discourse of softening or moderated positions under female leadership is more a media

in Pride in prejudice
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Nostalgic time and the revolt against mourning
Peter Mitchell

, the fetishisation of its relics, the sense that it is immanent in the present and capable of realisation through some purgative act of violence – accounts for a sizable chunk of the source code of far right politics. Moreover, specifically imperial nostalgia is useful as a weapon of opportunity against both the antiracism of the left and the official multicultural discourses of

in Imperial nostalgia
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Stanley R. Sloan

to hijack support from PRRs. The best example of successful co-optation is found in The Netherlands, where incumbent prime minister Mark Rutte tried to limit the advance of Geert Wilders by adopting his own populist rhetoric. Co-optation possesses significant risk, however. There are more examples of countries where the mainstream willingly adopted far-right politics– Hungary, Poland, Czech Republic, Switzerland – than there are start-up success stories. The United States can also be understood as a failed co-optation attempt. The Republican Party granted a

in Transatlantic traumas
Thomas Linehan

this fanatically Christian outlook, according to Colin Holmes, ‘that its anti-semitism should be considered’. 84 However, even in the more heavily charged atmosphere of 1930s far-right politics, with the air thick with pro-Nazism and ideologically driven anti-semitism, it was not a uniform picture. The United Empire Fascist Party, one of the more ephemeral of the 1930s groups, which shortly after its formation in December 1933 became the United British Party, repudiated anti-semitism. In the UBP’s programme, for example, it declared its intention to support the

in British Fascism 1918-39
Incipient fascism?
Thomas Linehan

eccentricity of their views and by the secrecy under which they operated’. 85 An earlier historian of the Britons, Gisela Lebzelter, took a similar line. For Lebzelter, the Britons Society was more of an elite club than a political party with ambitions to build a mass base. 86 She suggested that its failure to make a greater impact was due to ongoing financial difficulties and the absence of an able leadership. 87 These dismissive appraisals do not mean, however, that the Britons Society had little significance for far-right politics during the interwar years. Lebzelter

in British Fascism 1918-39
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The anatomy of break-up
Stuart Ward

endeavour, and it would be misleading to posit a crude instrumentality between British World historical paradigms and the resurgence of global posturing in the Brexit debate (let alone the reactionary far-right politics of white victimhood). 35 Tamson Pietsch allows for greater subtlety, identifying a ‘tendency to flatten out fissures and frictions’ in the relentless focus on ‘Britishness’, which has

in The break-up of Greater Britain
Empire, race and free speech in the battle for the university
Peter Mitchell

front of attacks on ‘woke’ ideology, especially in elite education. The mobilisation of free speech as a front in the reactionary assault on universities is too big to cover in detail here, but is increasingly well documented. 35 Real and fabricated concerns about freedom of expression have long characterised the encounter between far right politics and democratic societies, particularly in universities

in Imperial nostalgia
Élodie Lecuppre-Desjardin

‘imagined communities’ and an assessment of the usefulness of the couplet ‘nation-state’ in relation to the principality of Burgundy will be possible. From ‘my Lord's lands’ to ‘Burgundian national consciousness’ In taking up the problem of the nation and the formation of national identity, historians enter a minefield, particularly as far-right political groups continue to make progress throughout Europe. When their object of study corresponds in part to modern Belgium and the Low Countries, where extremist parties like the New

in The illusion of the Burgundian state
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Françoise breaks free?
Richard Bates

The social and political values of Dolto’s birth family – the Marettes – were essentially those of the anti-Dreyfusard upper classes of the late nineteenth century and belle époque . With wealth derived from the metals industry, the Marettes were a six-child family living in a well-to-do Parisian neighbourhood. Supportive of monarchist (far-)right political currents, they were Catholic, but in a performative or social sense, rather than being especially pious or devout. Somewhat snobbish and suspicious of social

in Psychoanalysis and the family in twentieth-century France