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Alison Phipps

whiteness, which describes a set of values, orientations and behaviours that go deeper than that. These include narcissism, alertness to threat and an accompanying will to power. And perhaps most crucially, they characterise mainstream feminism and other politics dominated by privileged white people. They link movements such as #MeToo with the backlashes against them. And they link more reactionary forms of white feminism with the far right. Political whiteness tends to be visibly enacted by privileged white people (but can cross class boundaries), and can also be enacted

in Me, not you
Open Access (free)
Piercing the politics of silencing
Hilary Pilkington

seems to be questions that affect MPs and things and people of the class of politics as it were that seem to get discussed rather than the things that generally affect the working person’ (Grimm and Pilkington, 2015: 216). Thus while Ware (2008: 3) warns against accepting claims that the issue of immigration has been silenced in the past, and it is certainly true that these anxieties are exploited by anti-immigration and far right political parties,3 that sections of the population experience the political realm as silencing some issues cannot be denied. ‘Politics

in Loud and proud
Alison Phipps

Although notions of race have a longer history, colonialism systematically ‘raced’ populations so they could be hyper-exploited, and eventually discarded, by capitalist production. Populations were also systematically gendered to facilitate this process: women were subordinated to men and made solely responsible for social reproduction, and there were attempts to eradicate Indigenous genders that did not fit the Western binary. Echoing the historical colonial project, contemporary far-right politics blends racism with attacks on feminists and LGBT (especially trans

in Me, not you
Abstract only
Alison Phipps

those whose bodies are automatically sexualised – people marginalised by race and/ or sexuality, people who sell sex – may be at risk if mainstream feminist activism crosses into, or feeds, moral panic. ‘Taking back control’ – the white will to power The structural power of whiteness creates a sense of victimhood when entitlements and powers are threatened, as seen in backlash and ethno-nationalist forms of white politics. White victimhood also produces the desire to ‘take back control’ – a slogan that has been at the forefront of far-right politics in many different

in Me, not you
Alison Phipps

­entitlements, or who feel ‘left behind’ and are ­blaming the wrong people. This is the anger of white men, and some white women too. Far-right politics shows us what happens when anger is produced by – and ­channelled through – class and race supremacy. 111 PHIPPS 9781526147172 PRINT.indd 111 14/01/2020 13:18 Me, not you And this is also relevant to white women’s anger about sexual violence. Public expressions of feminist anger, such as the Women’s March, are undeniably bourgeois and white. So are the majority of feminist investments in the outrage economy of the media

in Me, not you
Ancoats and the ongoing housing question
Nigel de Noronha and Jonathan Silver

earlier slum clearance programmes were not maintained, signalling the beginning of a period of neglect and decline. In the 1979 election campaign, the Conservatives adopted the racist, anti-migrant rhetoric of the far-right political party the National Front, and in 1981 they introduced the British Nationality Act which removed the right of children born in the UK to automatic citizenship from its enactment in 1984 (Sivanandan, 1992 ). In 1981, race riots focused government action on structural inequalities facing black communities (Scarman, 1983

in How the other half lives
Selina Todd

Lees and Hughes as they wrote, produced and sought to perform their new play, Thai Brides and Teacakes. This production addressed the impact of immigration and the threat of far-right political activism in north Manchester. Lees and Hughes were ambitious for the production, and hoped that my involvement would help them to forge stronger links with the city’s universities, which they saw as important given Manchester City Council’s commitment to establishing an ‘educational corridor’ along Oxford Road – the major thoroughfare that connects the universities to the city

in Culture in Manchester
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Race, postcolonialism and diversity capital
Laura Clancy

… they've fetched up on the same team as the socialists’. 79 Meghan offered the Firm an opportunity to diversify at a time of global political upheaval, and global elites increasingly invested in far-right political projects (such as the Trumps), with which the Firm risks being associated. Meghan offered the Firm a chance to promote itself to new markets, and tap into new sources of (diversity) capital. Her resignation perhaps demonstrates that this was a marketing ploy too far. It is notable that only since her

in Running the Family Firm
Open Access (free)
Hannah Jones, Yasmin Gunaratnam, Gargi Bhattacharyya, William Davies, Sukhwant Dhaliwal, Emma Jackson, and Roiyah Saltus

, apparently, to sort of create a sense of fear [in the] British population that we have a vast problem with illegal immigration’ (Huff Post Politics, UK, 2013 , n.p.). Images of the vans circulated quickly on social media, along with the hashtag #racistvan, directly connecting the language used with the history of the words ‘go home’ as racist abuse used in the streets and by far-right political groups such as the National Front in the 1970s

in Go home?
The past, present and future of the English Defence League
Hilary Pilkington

far right political parties (Ignazi, 2003: 106). At demonstrations, people applauded and often posed for pictures with the c­ o-leaders and sometimes a chant of ‘Tommy Robinson’s barmy army’ could be heard (field diary, 29 September 2012). Speeches were passionate but not rabble-rousing and an effort was made to include local speakers, women speakers13 and, increasingly, young speakers rather than focusing on a single, charismatic leader. Some respondents articulated an emotional attachment to Tommy Robinson – ‘I will march into hell for Tommy’ (Declan). However

in Loud and proud