debates over involvement in the wars in the Netherlands and, shortly afterwards, the potential marriage between Elizabeth and the French Duke of Anjou. The question of the Netherlands was one of the great foreign policy debates of the reign; in effect the issue of whether England should intervene ran from the outbreak of the Dutch revolt through to Elizabeth’s decision to do so in 1585. There were of
11 The politics of Conservative foreign policy Foreign policy needs to be relocated in our analyses of the midVictorian era. Indeed, it is easier to perceive the dimensions of nineteenth-century politics if debate about foreign policy is integrated into domestic political history, as it too rarely is. Foreign policy played a significant part in the Conservatives’ calculations. Before they returned to government in 1852, every policy area formed a front in their war against the perceived radicalism of the Whigs. Economic policy represented the most prominent
128 6 Germany, Lemass and foreign policy adaptation From a narrow perspective, Dublin’s EEC application in July 1961 became an unavoidable necessity when Harold Macmillan decided to launch a British bid. It followed at least two years of anxious discussion and reflection in Irish government circles about the country’s economic isolation and vulnerable position. The realisation had intensified that the country needed to join a benevolent multilateral trading block. The EEC held particular appeal in the field of agriculture, though no firm decision could be
Ch a pter 1 The Representation of British Foreign Policy The English are divided in two categories, clearly identified by those who study zoology: the first one is represented by that famous Englishman who was marvelled not to find negroes in Calais, for, according to him, the Channel was the border of the civilised world. The second category is the one of types like Hervey, who [. . .] being in the Venetian Lagoon, tasted the water and concluded ‘ it is salty, hence it is ours!’ 1 What in the world is this famous English friendship? We want to see the proof! 2
109 6 Education, or ‘part of our foreign policy’?: At war in Vietnam Late on the afternoon of 25 August 1964, officials in the Australian Prime Minister’s and External Affairs departments scrambled to change arrangements they had made for the signing of the new treaty between the United States and Australia. This executive agreement was to replace the original 1949 Fulbright Agreement and enable the continuation of the scheme into the future. Federal Executive Council had approved Paul Hasluck, minister for External Affairs since April 1964, to be the
This book examines the mid-Victorian Conservative Party's significant but overlooked role in British foreign policy and in contemporary debate about Britain's relations with Europe. It considers the Conservatives' response—in opposition and government—to the tumultuous era of Napoleon III, the Crimean War and Italian Unification. Within a clear chronological framework, the book focuses on ‘high’ politics, and offers a detailed account of the party's foreign policy in government under its longest-serving but forgotten leader, the fourteenth Earl of Derby. It attaches equal significance to domestic politics, and incorporates an analysis of Disraeli's role in internal tussles over policy, illuminating the roots of the power struggle he would later win against Derby's son in the 1870s. Overall, the book helps provide us with a fuller picture of mid-Victorian Britain's engagement with the world.
This is a comprehensive study of US policy towards China during the presidency of Lyndon Baines Johnson, a critical phase of the Cold War immediately preceding the dramatic Sino-American rapprochement of the early 1970s. Based on a wide array of recently declassified government documents, it challenges the popular view that Johnson's approach to China was marked by stagnation and sterility, exploring the administration's relationship to both the Vietnam War and the Cultural Revolution. By documenting Johnson's contributions to the decision-making process, the book offers a new perspective on both his capacity as a foreign-policy leader and his role in the further development of the Cold War.
This book looks at the interrelationship between nationalism and theatre in the Jacobean period. It also looks at the creation of a British identity brought about by the accession of King James VI of Scotland to the English throne in 1603. The most significant political legacy of James's national project was the creation of an emphatically British identity among the settlers from both England and Scotland who planted Ulster. A series of plays in London's theatres was staging the lives of a group of earlier British rulers. The theatre of the Jacobean period does not rest on Shakespeare alone. What emerges in the study of the London stages in this period is that his work fits into a wider framework of dramatic material discoursing on not just the Union, but on issues of war, religion and overseas exploration. Under James VI and I, the discourse on empire changed to meet the new expansion overseas, and also the practicality of a Scottish king whose person fulfilled the criteria of King of 'Great Britain' in a way that Elizabeth never could. For James VI and I, Shakespeare's play was a celebration of the British imperium that seemed secure in the figures of Henry, Prince of Wales, Prince Charles and the Princess Elizabeth. The repertoire of the theatre companies suggests that in terms of public opinion there was a great deal of consensus regarding the direction of foreign policy.
1 Introduction To examine the role of the mid-Victorian Conservative Party in foreign policy is to leave oneself in splendid isolation. With a very few exceptions, there has been little historiographical interest in the Conservatives between 1846, when Sir Robert Peel’s administration collapsed in turmoil over the repeal of the Corn Laws, and 1874, when Disraeli returned the party to majority government. There has been even less interest in the Conservatives’ part in the politics of foreign policy. The ‘politics of foreign policy’ constitutes a helpful