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example shows that the by now normalised administration of hormones, be it in the form of the pill or in the context of IVF treatment and the procurement of donor oocytes, does come with a heavy biopolitical burden. Synthetically produced hormones are paradigmatic examples of how the bodies of egg donors in South Africa are connected with US foreign policy and postcolonial dependencies, with pharmaceutical companies’ pursuit of profit and politically motivated research funding, with population control and biopolitics. Those entanglements remain hidden behind the glossy
This volume aims to disclose the political, social and cultural factors that influenced the sanitary measures against epidemics developed in the Mediterranean during the long nineteenth century. The contributions to the book provide new interdisciplinary insights to the booming field of ‘quarantine studies’ through a systematic use of the analytic categories of space, identity and power. The ultimate goal is to show the multidimensional nature of quarantine, the intimate links that sanitary administrations and institutions had with the territorial organization of states, international trade, the construction of national, colonial, religious and professional identities or the configuration of political regimes. The circum-Mediterranean geographical spread of the case studies contained in this volume illuminates the similarities and differences around and across this sea, on the southern and northern shores, in Arabic, Spanish, Portuguese, Greek, Italian, English and French-speaking domains. At the same time, it is highly interested in engaging in the global English-speaking community, offering a wide range of terms, sources, bibliography, interpretative tools and views produced and elaborated in various Mediterranean countries. The historical approach will be useful to recognize the secular tensions that still lie behind present-day issues such as the return of epidemics or the global flows of migrants and refugees.
years earlier, in 1882, with the conquest of Assad and Massaua in Eritrea, by Crispi’s government and can be divided into two periods.3 The first, called ‘Liberal colonialism’, includes the First Italo-Ethiopian War (1894–96) and the acquisition of Libya and Somalia, which took place in 1922.4 It can be described as a ‘soft colonialism’, in which the foreign policy of Minister Giolitti promoted a mild approach to local authorities.5 The second period is the so-called period of ‘Fascist colonialism’, which lasted from 1922 to 1943, when racial policy became more
modernisation. Only a handful of first-person accounts of Muslims who were subjected to quarantine in the eighteenth century have been identified by historians. This chapter analyses those contained in the travel writings of the Moroccan ambassador Ibn Uthmân Al-Meknassî (d. 1799). Al-Meknassî acted as a prominent agent intervening in the multiple and complex foreign policy affairs that characterised the reigns of the sultans Muhammad III (1757–1790) and Moulay Slimane (1792–1822).6 His diplomatic activities explained his frequent travels throughout the Mediterranean to Spain
. Bush: Historical Comparisons of Ends and Means in Their Foreign Policies’, Diplomatic History 30: 3(2006): 509–43. George Bateson, Steps to an Ecology of Mind: Collected Essays in Anthropology, Psychiatry, Evolution and Epistemology (Northvale, NJ and London: Jason Aronson Inc., 1987), p. 206. George M. Cohan, ‘Over There’ (New York: Leo Feist, 1917). Margaret Higonnet, ‘Cubist Vision in Nursing Accounts’, in Alison S. Fell and Christine E. Hallett (eds), First World War Nursing: New Perspectives (New York and London: Routledge, 2013), p. 161. Borden, The Forbidden Zone, p. 118
more virtual than real. After experiencing the Venetians, the French and the Russians, the Ionians saw the new foreign rulers as an obstacle in their route towards independence or unification with Greece. The first signs of open tension between the two sides dated back to the beginning of the Greek revolution against the Ottoman Empire in 1821. The British foreign policy of neutrality in this conflict, the tactics of the High Commissioner Lord Maitland against the 272 Power participation of Ionian volunteers in the revolution (those caught and found guilty were to
own communities in vicious campaigns. The participation of the UK in these overseas wars was highly controversial among the British public: in February 2003, an estimated 750,000 people took part in the march against the war in London alone, the BBC reported that in all of the UK, over a million people demonstrated against the participation in the war. Blair's foreign policy thus alienated many of the public who might otherwise have been
the similar statement in his ‘Biological eugenics’, p. 309. 64 L.P. Clark, ‘Idiocy and laboratory research’, Survey 27 (1912), 1860. 65 J. Noakes and G. Pridham (eds), Nazism 1919–1945: A History in Documents and Eyewitness Accounts, vol. II: Foreign Policy, War and Racial Extermination (New York: Schocken Books, 1988), p. 1001. 66 For Grant’s eugenic writings, which focused heavily on race suicide fears, see his The Passing of the Great Race: Or, the Racial Basis of European History (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1916), and The Conquest of a Continent
value in the home. The political import of food was so significant that, according to Julie Gottleib, Edith Summerskill changed her general election campaign to focus on women’s issues, including the price of food, rather than on foreign policy. In this move Summerskill was to be vindicated, despite fears that the expectation that women would concern themselves with the domestic rather than global politics could be used to maintain the status quo.71 It was Summerskill’s campaign grounded in the ideology of separate spheres, one that located women in the domestic space
comparisons were nothing new. The British government had gathered information on the use of smallpox vaccine in other countries when deliberating over whether to cease routine vaccination. Similarly, the entry into the European Economic Community in the 1970s had led to the use of regular comparisons with other member states when considering policy on vaccination, vaccine compensation and other areas of DHSS activity. WHO goals and targets did, however, place a new political imperative to improve certain metrics and increased the overlaps between public health and foreign