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:70 Davenant’s desire to dramatise sadistic Spaniards was not arbitrary. Cromwell actively pursued an anti-Spanish foreign policy. Dramatic representations of cruelty committed by Spanish conquerors could therefore only aid in resurrecting the anti-Spanish sentiment that, in the 1620s, had so strongly opposed the possibility of a betrothal between the then Prince Charles and the Spanish Infanta. In a manuscript written in the same hand as the letter to Thurloe, Davenant makes a more frank and pragmatic plea for dramatic representation.71 Davenant proposes that
aestheticism of the present age are signs of decadence’. 76 He thus denies that ‘as some would have it … Nietzscheanism was “the cause of the war”’, although in the final analysis Rahilly does see the philosopher’s ethics as developing, by some peculiar feat, into a foreign policy that denies the agreement of ‘the civilised world’ on ‘the humane principle of equity without appeal
, reinvented himself in the 1650s and again in 1660. At the Restoration, he was granted management of one of the two acting companies that were permitted to mount productions in London. As I argue in Chapter 3, in the 1650s Davenant had reinvented the Stuart court masque to make it fit for the protectorate stage. Through his protectorate entertainments, The Cruelty of the Spaniards in Peru (1658) and The History of Sir Francis Drake (1659), Davenant Introduction 19 celebrates Cromwellian foreign policy and provides a counter-narrative to the image of Cromwell as the
the narrative. Cromwell’s foreign policy seems to have been popular at home and ultimately successful.48 In figuring Cromwell and his European allies as imps of Satan, the pamphlet has trouble reconciling protectorate foreign policy with a desire to create a negative image of the ruler. The attempt to condemn Cromwell through his foreign policy highlights the inconsistencies between historical and textual realities; the inability of the play pamphlet to sustain dialogue form throughout adds to this instability. By the end of the piece, the pamphlet abandons dialogue
, ultimately, to the achievement of Christian culture under Spanish colonialism. In Bacon’s text, though, New Atlantans have replaced Europeans as the most civilised nation and, importantly, Europe in general is castigated. However, there are some aspects of the New Atlantis that are specifically aimed at English domestic and foreign policies. In particular, Bacon uses the New Atlantis as a vehicle to address some of the inadequacies of James I’s rule. Indeed, in the New Atlantis King Solamona can be seen as the personification and encapsulation of all the values and
combine different forms of address to tell different kinds of history: the history of American foreign policy and Ethiopian domestic politics, most obviously, but also an intimate history of Berhane’s tragic past and his slow adjustment to life in America. In the first letter, Berhane asks Carter to intervene in the ‘bloody war’ happening in Ethiopia – the war in which Sepha’s father will be killed – appealing to the ‘deep friendship between our two countries’, and emphasising that it is ‘imperative that the United States, along with Ethiopia’s friends in Europe, come
parliamentarian, continued and became more dichotomous in their representations. Davenant’s protectorate entertainments, discussed in Chapter 3, do not negate these images; rather, they add to the rich patchwork of dramatic renderings of Cromwell through celebrating protectorate foreign policy. The 1647 and 1648 ordinances for theatre closure politicised the very act of producing drama, and therefore writers emphatically used dramatic conventions for political ends. However, there would also be aesthetic legacies for drama as a consequence of the civil wars. At the Restoration
on Beckett was existential or (to use an old word in the old ways) moral.’6 When read in an Irish context, Waiting for Godot can be understood as a critique of the ways in which the Republican government MUP_Schultz_Haunted.indd 167 03/04/2014 12:23 168 Conclusion employed specters of the past to constitute an isolationist foreign policy during World War II. Beckett’s play is the product of a haunting in which he allows Ireland’s colonial past to inform and influence his sense of personal responsibility during transnational conflict. His underlying argument
’s futile ending for American foreign policy. The widespread imagery of trauma, moral taint and madness contributed to cinematic presentations of returned servicemen as victims, losers and unstable misfits. As Timothy Corrigan has argued in A Cinema without Walls (1994), 1970s’ Vietnam films also exemplified a fascination for the 1960s as an era when Utopian aspirations and the possibility of
to prevent sectional and disintegrative pressures on domestic and foreign policy’ (Parry 2006 , 398). In this shifting climate, the republican principles that were pertinent in mid-century Europe began to lose coherence: for instance, commitment to fraternity or unity in the Commonwealth could not be sustained alongside commitment to liberty and equality when the latter were demanded by disaffected colonised communities like