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local authorities translate into actions. Globalization has inserted another dimension to this complex interplay between state and communities: foreign policy. The external relations of a state, until the late twentieth century, had very little direct impact on domestic minority politics. In conventional international relations, domestic and foreign policy are distinguished as two separate concepts occupying different terrains, although there is no denying that the values and ideas of the society shape the foreign policy of a country.2 However, it is no longer the
Deak, Forging , p. 169. 70 For a discussion of Czech moves at this time to achieve equality, and why these moves failed to be implemented, see Lothar Höbelt, ‘Devolution Aborted: Franz Josef I and the Bohemian “Fundamental Articles” of 1871,’ Parliaments, Estates and Representation , 32:1 (2012), 37–52. 71 Frank Bridge, From Sadowa To Sarajevo: The Foreign Policy of Austria-Hungary 1866–1914 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1972), pp. 50–55. 72 See Höbelt, ‘Devolution,’ p. 37. 73 Höbelt, ‘Devolution,’ p. 38. 74 Höbelt, ‘Devolution,’ p. 44
agreement contained a ‘secret protocol’ that confirmed Austria as a ‘German state’ which, through its diplomatic efforts, would support German foreign policy where it could. 102 A further agreement, a November protocol, extended the 1935 agreement on the ‘Aryan’ content of Austrian films, now requiring sufficient ‘German’ content in further cultural areas, such as theatre and music. 103 While the clauses supporting German diplomatic efforts were new, the provisions regarding internal, anti-Jewish moves simply formalised what was already happening in Austria. The
: Pennsylvania State University, 1989), pp. 37–54. 30 W.N. Medlicott, et al. (eds), Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919–1939 Series 1A, Vol VII (London: HMSO, 1975), p. 265. 31 Edmondson, Heimwehr , p. 43. 32 Edmondson, Heimwehr, pp. 97–103. 33 Hanisch, Ideologie , p. 11. 34 Medlicott, Documents , p. 80. 35 Hanisch, Ideologie , p. 13. 36 AEDW WeCk, 1930. 37 AEDW WeCk, 1930. 38 Edmondson, Heimwehr , p. 114. 39 Medlicott, Documents , p. 267. 40 Medlicott, Documents , pp. 438–440. 41 Höbelt, Provisorium , pp. 231
foreign policy dispute with the Emperor, liberals fell from the national government, to be replaced by a conservative-led coalition, and they never regained their leading position at national level. In Vienna, however, they retained firm control of the City Council. Shifting political labels make the number of liberal City councillors hard to state with certainty. Some estimates gave almost 50 per cent to those labelled centre liberals and 38 per cent to the left, while others believed that liberals overall still controlled two-thirds of the council chamber. 50
bad things? One worry that Mouffe expresses is that this invention can be – is being – used to support some very bad things. It is used as part of the legitimating ideology of contemporary Western imperialism, for example as expressed in U.S. foreign policy and the so-called ‘War on Terror’. It all too easily rationalises a ‘clash of civilisations’ that could issue in catastrophe. But there are at least three replies to this. First, the fact that the idea of human rights features in one or more of the premises of arguments used to try to justify, say, the 2003
, aided and abetted by those in power, contributed further to a lack of coordinated organization. Debates over integration, institutional racism and loyalty to the nation-state took on an urgency after 11 September 2001, marked by paranoia and fear. After the 7 July 2005 London bombings, the question of what led four young men, three of them from Leeds, to become suicide bombers, killing 52 people and injuring more than 700, was uppermost in most people’s minds. Was it a hatred of British foreign policy, of British people or of extremist ideology? Again, in May 2013
Of course, the justification is only pro tanto and so may be defeated by competing considerations. Nevertheless, it is their role as triggers for intervention that differentiates human rights from the ampler list of constitutional or political rights that should be recognised by a liberal state. I call this the Coercive Intervention Account of human rights, or CIA for short – the acronym nicely brings out the resonance with a certain strand of US foreign policy. Now, if human rights are the triggers for forcible intervention, then the intelligibility test seems, at
serious, however, was the limited space which James V’s regime gave to the heretics and their fellow-travellers. After the King’s death, these Protestant sympathisers found a heady moment of opportunity in the foreign-policy crisis of 1543. For a short time Scottish Catholicism seemed to be in real danger. Yet the moment passed, and its passing seemed only to underline the robust strength of the old religion. The Scottish establishment would not countenance the linked religious reform and diplomatic revolution which the Earl of Arran had briefly tried to implement. The
. However, raising these questions helps to identify issues deserving our attention, opens a debate on various aspects of an emerging phenomenon and furthers our understanding of the complexities of the phenomenon due to the admixture of the socio-economic environment of the Bangladeshi community in Britain, politics in Bangladesh, and British domestic and foreign policies, to name but a few. These developments within the British-Bangladeshi community must also be situated alongside the ongoing debate on the interactions of Islam and Europe, globalization and the