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negated the criminal liability of perpetrators. This chapter explores the various forms of direct participation in humanitarian law offences. These are: planning and conspiracy; ordering others to commit a crime; incitement and dissemination of hate propaganda; and complicity. Before we proceed with this analysis, it would be useful to identify the specific crimes, that is, the concept of war crimes and crimes against
undertaken in 1945. Such a development would imply a redefinition of the content of the ban on the use of force, not necessarily a challenge to the existence of such a ban. The right of self-defence Among the different forms of self-help involving the use of force, self-defence needs to be singled out not only because it is the only exception to the
Introduction The modern global humanitarian system takes the form it does because it is underpinned by liberal world order, the post-1945 successor to the imperial world of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and the global political and economic system the European empires created. Humanitarian space, as we have come to know it in the late twentieth century, is liberal space, even if many of those engaged in humanitarian action would rather not see themselves as liberals. To the extent that there is something constitutively
don’t have the power to make good on whatever has been agreed. And this is assuming major Western governments still believe it to be important to support relief agencies. The political landscape in which the humanitarian movement took current form has changed radically. Even a ‘centrist restoration’ in the US and Europe might not be enough to prevent this movement’s relative decline. In Giuseppe di Lampedusa’s The Leopard , one of the principle characters says of the revolutionary era in which the novel is set: ‘For things to remain the same
? ‘Armed conflict’ is commonly reduced to a dummy variable in analyses of the causes and dynamics of acute food security crises, while ‘political will’ (or lack thereof) substitutes for a lack of analysis of the logic of elite political actions. We assess how the PMF might open up these analytical ‘black boxes’ and thereby help explain the dynamics that lead to such crises. 2. How can understanding PM systems complement other forms of humanitarian analysis to
(NRC), now run or support programmes aiming to help refugees become self-reliant through digital or online remote work, often connected to forms of digital finance. The digital economy encompasses online work and small-scale entrepreneurship mediated by digital platforms, as well as jobs in digital fields of work – ranging from basic data entry to programming to research – that can be undertaken remotely or locally. This means that the digital economy involves both the
entrepreneur, Adriana attributes to the smartphone her possibilities to access information resources and social networks that enable her to sustain a source of income, especially considering the lack of employment opportunities and precarious conditions in the host country. Over the past few decades, digital forms of employability or the so-called digital economy has been seen as a window for economic development ( Wahome and Graham, 2020 : 1123). Discourses around it are
observe that the age of child marriage is rising ( Koski et al. , 2017 ). Different to South Asia, where most of the research on child marriage has occurred, girls in some African countries have greater autonomy in choosing a spouse ( Petroni et al. , 2017 ). Humanitarian agencies have frequently framed CEFM as a form of gender-based violence (GBV) ( Plan International, 2018 : 1; CARE, 2014 ), and this framework has also been presented by others ( Belhorma, 2016 ). The practice of child marriage is influenced by multiple drivers which vary depending on the context
disempowering conditions and effects? This article offers a critique of the current failure to resolve this problem in current digital livelihoods provision, focusing on forms of intermediation that build pragmatic bridges and workarounds to circumvent specific barriers and gaps between refugees and the internet economy. After discussing the methods and research that underpin its arguments, this article will explore intermediation and brokerage in conceptual terms against the
-displacement norms ( UNFPA, 2019 : 18; CARE, 2020 : 8). For example, humanitarian actors, such as Oxfam, UNICEF, World Vision, Save the Children and the International Rescue Committee all describe child marriage as a form of GBV made more frequent as a result of displacement ( Oxfam and ABAAD, 2013 ; UNICEF, 2014 : 9; World Vision International, 2020 : 3; Save the Children, 2014 : 1; International Rescue Committee, 2012 : 6