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Introduction Worker voice is perhaps the most politicised and power-centric of all WES issues. An eminent scholar many years ago, Alan Flanders ( 1970 ), articulated the point that ‘for management to gain control, they must first learn how to share it’. Thus, the very idea of having a say about work-related issues is a contested space, subject to various power struggles and forms of regulation and control, as well as hidden agendas and control strategies (see Wilkinson et al. , 2020 ). In this chapter, we discuss four approaches affecting ‘who speaks for
shelter; that this production and its conditions determine, to an extent, social and intellectual forms; that God is a human projection, not a reality. By contrast, some important points that are in fact central to and original in Marx are that classes are relational, rather than stand-alone entities with an essence of their own; similarly, that human ‘essence’ or nature, insofar as it has to do with social behaviour, is nothing more than ‘the ensemble of social relations’, i.e., historically and socially constituted rather than fixed; and that ‘men make their own
and ways in which the post-war Keynesian settlement was dismantled through deregulation, privatisation and the pulling back of state social provision. In broad terms, and although there were very significant differences between countries as neoliberalism took ‘embedded’ or ‘hybrid’ forms, the neoliberal agenda (expressed in most notably the Washington Consensus) rested upon the squeezing of the social state, fiscal discipline, the curbing of government subsidies, the cutting of tax rates to bolster trade and financial liberalisation, privatisation, deregulation and
authority, such as those associated with the necessity to form governing coalitions, will also be examined. The roles of the cabinet and civil service, and other agencies within government, also need to be considered. Compared to the chancellor, and in contrast to the situation in the Weimar Republic, the status of the federal president is very limited. This arises in part from the dominance of the chancellor in the political system, resulting from deliberate decisions taken by the drafters of the Basic Law. A review of the office of federal president is thus a useful
sociology. In 1909 he co-founded with Georg Simmel, Max Weber and others the German Society for Sociology, whose president he was until 1933. The context in which his career took off after the turn of the century was again most paradoxical: the spirit of the time in the decade before the First World War turned increasingly towards a nationalist form of discontent with capitalist modernity that ultimately fed into various fascist sects and small groups, including one led by a man called Hitler. Many in this increasingly right-wing youth movement embraced Tönnies
and importantly investigating the biography of the object itself. Drawing on the work of Humphries and Smith ( 2014 ) such an approach reveals an object's materiality, biography and practice; interconnecting the object and the subject in novel and illuminating ways. This approach explores how an object's material qualities – its fibres, textures, patterns and forms (Miller, 2005 ) – influence the relationship we have with it; and its importance within our mundane, everyday lives. Objects form part of networks with other objects. They have past and future
whole that historians have generally followed the interpretation put forward by political scientists and international relations scholars that its end was an epoch-defining event. 1 I myself have considered it to be so and in this volume I have wanted to reconstruct the events and processes that preceded it. In the concluding pages of my work, however, I would like to take into consideration certain elements that are now seen as forming part of the news from the start of the 1990s. My intention is not so much to show how radical the change was that took place
Like Kristeva, Bhabha takes interpretation for granted but insists that the point of view of the oppressed/oppressor must be included in the interpretive perspective. Hybridity is his term for this state of mind, which for him assumes three forms: (1) hybridity as identity as portrayed in The Butler and Belle ; (2) hybridity as power as seen in 12 Years a Slave and Django Unchained ; (3) hybridity as blasphemy exemplified in Breaking Bad and Sherlock . Born in 1949 in Bombay, Homi K. Bhabha, Anne F. Rothenberg Professor
Association in Ireland at the time). The Workers’ Union would build and operate a ‘workers’ palace’ in every borough, serving as combined school, hospital, training, leisure and retirement centre, all under the immediate control and ownership of the Union. Workers would form corresponding groups internationally to develop their own values and objectives and defend their interests, just like the bourgeoisie had done before them: this process she referred to as ‘constituting the working class’. This means that ‘class’ is not a merely descriptive category but is one that
topic, and Figure 2.1 draws together all the elements of government. What is the fundamental idea underpinning the British system of government? Democracy. Is this idea qualified to any degree, or is it meant to be applied in a pure form? It is not applied in a pure form but in one utilising ‘representatives’. There is a spectrum of democracy running from ‘pure’ or ‘direct’ to degrees of ‘representative’: The British system and most others are well to the right of this spectrum; that is, they involve ‘indirect democracy’ via representatives . But this