cultural constructs, ideologies and political usage as well as its primary subjective and verbalised form, not including objective and external factors (Brubaker and Cooper 2000 ; Hall 1996 ; Michael 1996 ). Therefore, in order to grasp identification processes occurring alongside the processes of adaptation and settling, alternative concepts such as belonging (e.g. Fortier 2000 ; Geddes and Favell 1999 ; Lovell 1998 ), attachment (Grzymala-Moszczynska and Trabka 2014 ), emplacement (e.g. Glick Schiller and Caglar 2016 ) or embedding (Ryan and Mulholland 2015
initial adaptation. Over time some anchors linking migrants to their home countries or other states might become lost or broken. The concept of anchoring thus allows us to theorise the dynamic of anchoring and the reverse processes of un-anchoring when, for instance, some anchors established in the new society may be weakened or abandoned, which may be (but need not be) accompanied by re-anchoring in the country of origin or other replacement forms of anchoring.
The SAST research shows not only the changeability of anchoring but in some circumstances
in the context of increasingly diverse migrant populations and their migration pathways, and the ongoing wider cultural and societal changes in European societies, with the aim of linking adaptation and settling to the wider processes and to contribute to policy development and a broader social theory.
Along with the migratory processes, all forms of diversity have been intensifying, and growing multiculturalism has begun to take the form of superdiversity in some places (Vertovec 2007 ), leading to new forms of coexistence but also conflicts
From a metaphor through a sensitising concept to an empirically grounded concept
–daughter relations, for middle-class American women in the period 1880–1920 has been outlined by Rosenzweig ( 1993 ) in The Anchor of My Life .
Similarly, in migration studies the terms ‘anchors’ and ‘anchoring’ occur rather sporadically, mainly metaphorically and descriptively (Grzymala-Kazlowska 2016 ). For instance, Park ( 2007 ) distinguishes varied types of transnational identities of migrants that can be anchored in family obligations, market and labour relationships or take the form of complicated class-ethnic identities, when people anchor themselves
differed in terms of gender, education, socio-economic position (e.g. professionals, manual workers, entrepreneurs, the homeless and unemployed), sexual orientation and family situation (representing single people, families with children, single parents and couples without children). MVS was used as a purposeful form of sampling to enable the capturing of common patterns that emerge from variation as representing core characteristics (Patton 1990 ) while also allowing me to explore different positionalities and experiences. In this way the heterogeneity of the
). The previous studies have rarely focused on socio-psychological challenges experienced by migrants nor examined the complexity of adaptation and settling beyond the rather separated frameworks of circulation, integration, assimilation and transnationalism.
The temporary – often circular – form of migration of Ukrainian citizens to Poland in the period of systemic transition following the end of the Soviet Union was described with the aid of the concept of ‘incomplete migration’ (Okolski 2001 ). This has framed migration of Eastern Europeans
and religious terms (e.g. contrasting themselves with ‘Muslim migrants’). As Fox and Mogilnicka ( 2019 ) argue, East Europeans (Poles, Hungarians and Romanians) in the UK are not only drawing on pre-migration stereotypes but also, to some extent, copying racist and racialising behaviours as well as employing the British forms of racism as a part of their integration tactics and practices.
At the same time, the processes of identity diversification with emerging new or transformed identifications could be observed. Sometimes this could be an
that there are distinct challenges and stressors at different stages (pre-migratory, migration and post-migration) which are handled differently depending on migrants’ resources. As Hobfoll ( 1998 ) demonstrates, in order to deal with loss of resources, different cultural, cognitive, social, economic and spiritual resources are mobilised and used by people in a form of replacement, substitution, selective optimisation and compensation. Migrants need to reorganise their lives and identities. In a post-migration period individuals must cope with the potential
educated and better socially situated migrants with higher levels of language competency were particularly aware of subtle forms of stereotyping and prejudice but might not be subject to direct racial discrimination and stigmatisation by the people they interacted with. Pawel's words shed light on this process:
I have such a feeling and I was not always wrong that Poles are perceived worse here than other nations – I am sure that this holds for some. It happened to me many times to talk to people and