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Susan M. Johns

, pursuing political ambition, as religious, pious wives, mothers and daughters. Such views of women depend very much on genre, date of composition and context of entry of a female character into the narrative. It is important to recognise that medieval writers wrote within convention. When Étienne de Fougères wrote his Le Livre des Manières in 1160–70, he described good and bad women, and used the countess of Hereford as his model of female courtly, aristocratic and ‘good behaviour’.10 In the early twelfth century, Baudri de Bourgeuil wrote of the beauty of his subjects

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Open Access (free)
Susan M. Johns

shaped his material to suit the taste of a female reader and it is difficult to assess whether Constance had an influence on the content of Gaimar’s Estoire. Gaimar wrote to entertain and in the romance genre, and although some of his figures are without doubt fabrications, he wrote using images and words to which his audience could relate. Indeed, John Gillingham goes so far as to suggest that Gaimar articulates an alternative and secular set of values to puritanical monastic authors.75 Elisabeth van Houts finds the issue of female patronage to be important and

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Open Access (free)
Susan M. Johns

saints’ lives. This theme was explored in greater detail in a discussion of the role of noblewomen as patrons of the chroniclers and narratives. Such female influence may well have 198 conclusion affected the popularity of important texts in the twelfth century such as Geoffrey of Monmouth’s History of the Kings of Britain. The activity of noblewomen as patrons affected the way that specific genres developed, and they had important roles to play in the process of cultural diffusion. The development of views of women in chronicles and narratives was discussed in

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Open Access (free)
Susan M. Johns

and London: University of California Press, 1987); eadem, Fragmentation and Redemption: Essays on Gender and the Human Body in Medieval Religion (New York: Zone, 1991). 4 P. Stafford, ‘Women and the Norman Conquest’, TRHS, 6th ser, 4 (1994), 221–49; Stafford, ‘Emma’, pp. 12–13. 7 introduction 5 J. L. Nelson, ‘Women at the court of Charlemagne: a case of monstrous regiment?’ in J. Carmi Parsons (ed.), Medieval Queenship (Stroud: Sutton, 1994), pp. 43–61; eadem, ‘Gender and genre in women historians of the early Middle Ages’, L’Historiographie médiévale en Europe

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Susan M. Johns

. D. White, Custom, Kinship and Gifts to Saints: The Laudatio Parentum in Western France, 1050–1150 (Chapel Hill NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1988), pp. 27, 166. 6 Ibid., p. 203. 7 Ibid., pp. 26–8; Tabuteau similarly argues that countergifts were given as an aid to memory: Transfers of Property, p. 118. 8 M. Innes, ‘Memory, orality and literacy in an early medieval society’, Past and Present, 158 (1998), 1–36, at p. 5; J. L. Nelson, ‘Gender and genre in women historians of the early Middle Ages’, in L’Historiographie médiévale en Europe (Paris, 1991), 150

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Open Access (free)
Susan M. Johns

524, 534, 538, 544, 547–8, 550, 554, 601, 607, 624, 634, 645; she both witnessed and acted as a signa. 29 Stafford, ‘Emma’, pp. 6–8. 30 Ibid., p. 6. 31 Ibid., p. 14. 32 Nelson, ‘Gender and genre’, p. 151. 33 Reuter, ‘Property transactions and social relations’, p. 168. See also M. Innes, ‘Memory, orality and literacy in an early medieval society’, Past and Present, 158 (1998), 5. 34 Reuter, ‘Property transactions and social relations’, p. 168. 35 Gloucester Charters, pp. 25–30. 36 CDF, 1. no. 1136. 37 Ibid. no. 1138. 38 Stafford, ‘Emma’, p. 8, shows that Emma was

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Susan M. Johns

example, Gwyn Williams also called her the ‘Helen of Wales’ in his popular and well-received When Was Wales? , as did Brynley Roberts in his survey of Gerald of Wales. 3 Nest’s beauty is a central motif in all interpretations of her and is key to the construction of her as the ‘Welsh Helen’. Her beauty is emphasised in other genres, such as modern popular interpretations of her in creative fiction. Her inscription as a great beauty is a result of interpretations of the Brut , and her beauty authorises the actions of Owain ap Cadwgan’s abduction. The following

in Gender, nation and conquest in the high Middle Ages
Abstract only
Eighteenth- and nineteenth-century views
Susan M. Johns

‘perhaps necessary, though most cruel, policy of Edward I who had destroyed a race of men’ who were capable of creating music that caused such a strong response in the listener. 25 Such travel writings were influential in creating a view of Wales, and Bingley saw the repression of Wales by conquerors in a romantic and gendered way. In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries the genre of travel writing underwent development. Literary scholars and historians have begun to evaluate the genre in terms of its key features including

in Gender, nation and conquest in the high Middle Ages
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Character depiction and direct discourse
Eva von Contzen

clashing religious affiliation, power, and status, epitomised by the pagan ruler on the one hand and the saint on the other.4 The Scottish Legendary makes evident that hagiographers, beyond the genre expectations of hagiography, which require Character depiction and direct discourse 89 the dialogue scenes to follow received patterns, had considerable freedom in fleshing out the actual turns of the conversation. The choices range from the presentation of direct discourse to a more or less embellished summary of the conversation’s content. Obviously the effect of a

in The Scottish Legendary
Time, space, and the Scottishness of the Scottish Legendary
Eva von Contzen

, maybe even the basic constant, of all hagiography. As we have seen throughout the analyses, even though hagiography is a conservative genre, it is open to local changes, especially with respect to the hagiographer’s own time and place. The South English Legendary is a prominent example: not only does the compilation include a very high number of national saints, these legends are also particularly dense in their local references and can be read in terms of a self-consciously English agenda of promoting saintly devotion.4 Whether the Scottish Legendary likewise

in The Scottish Legendary