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Norms and realities
Karim A.A. Khan and Anna Kotzeva

The Union is founded on the principles of liberty, democracy, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the rule of law, principles which are common to Member States. TEU Article 6(1) 2 Introduction The

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement

This book addresses some of the neglected problems, people and vulnerabilities of the Asia-Pacific region. It talks about emancipation, human security, 'security politics', language and threat-construction. The book is divided into three sections: agents; strategies and contexts; and futures. The first section outlines a range of possible agents or actors potentially capable of redressing individual suffering and vulnerability in the region. It examines East Asian regional institutions and dynamics of regionalism as potential sources of 'progressive' security discourses and practices. There is focus on the progressive security potential of regional institutions and regionalism has become increasingly prominent in literature on security in the Asia-Pacific. Two common interpretations of the role of epistemic communities in the construction of security are contested: that they are either passive sources of governmental legitimacy, or autonomous agents with the capacity of constructing or creating state interests. The second section reviews strategies and contexts, outlining a range of different sites of insecurity in the region, the ways in which dominant security discourses and practices emerge, and the extent to which such discourses are contested in different contexts. Indonesian government's approach to minority groups and separatism, the issue of civil unrest and human rights abuses in Burma, and the Australian government's attitude towards refugees and asylum-seekers are discussed. The third section deals with security futures, specifically discussing the question of what alternative security discourses and practices might look like. Finally, the book outlines a feminist critical security discourse and examines its applicability to the Asia-Pacific region.

Wider Europe, weaker Europe?

The first European Union's (EU) enlargement of the twenty-first century coincides with a period of international tension and transition. Tensions have been apparent over: the war in Iraq, the 'War on Terror', immigration, organised crime, ethnic confrontation, human rights, energy resources and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). The EU has made genuine progress in developing its security policies since the launch of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) in the Treaty on European Union (TEU). This book examines the impact that enlargement will have on leadership within the EU, a pre-requisite for policy coherence. It focuses on what has been Europe's most significant region in terms of security challenges and international responses since the end of the Cold War: the Balkan. The book provides an overview of the foreign policy priorities and interests of the new member states (NMS), highlighting areas of match and mismatch with those of the EU fifteen. Counter-terrorism has emerged from the shadows of the EU's Third Pillar, and has been propelled to the forefront of the EU's internal agenda, driven by the demands of the 'War on Terror'. The book discusses the core elements of the EU's emerging common external border management, with a focus on the creation of the EU's new External Borders Agency and the Schengen Borders Code. While the first two are declarative partnership and declarative negativism, the last two reflect the struggle between pragmatism and Soviet-style suspicion of Western bureaucrats.

Matt McDonald

agenda could hardly be more important. This chapter constitutes a necessarily partial and selective attempt to address some of these questions by analysing the scope and consequences of the US-led ‘war on terror’. First, it addresses the ‘war on terror’s’ implications for democracy and human rights, arguing that it has legitimated political oppression and undermined

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
The Belfast Agreement, ‘equivalence of rights’ and the North–South dimension
Colm O’Cinneide

. However, there appears to be little appetite south of the border to take similar steps to tackle inequality seriously. This difference is all the more notable given that the Belfast Agreement requires Ireland to provide an equivalent level of protection for human rights as applies in Northern Ireland, a requirement which would appear to cover the right to equality and non

in Everyday life after the Irish conflict
Jannika Brostrom

have argued for changing norms of sovereignty tied to greater acceptance of human rights, the chapter takes a critical view of the notion of the just use of force. Specifically I argue that where instances of humanitarian intervention have occurred, there have been particularistic national interests motivating elite decisions to use force. Thus, the chapter finds that normative perspectives misrepresent

in Violence and the state
Eşref Aksu

fact which is likely to shed light on possible changes in its normative basis, especially in terms of authority. Another interesting aspect of the UN presence in Angola is the doubt that it casts on the ‘evidence’ of normative shift suggested by the so-called ‘humanitarian interventions’. Such UN operations as the ones in Somalia, Bosnia and Rwanda are frequently taken to imply that human rights had by

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

’s ‘humanitarian intervention’ over Kosovo highlighted the normative tension between the doctrine of non-intervention in sovereign states versus efforts to promote respect for human rights that transcend state boundaries, the subsequent efforts at peace-building have revealed other normative conundrums. For NATO and other international institutions, this has made South East Europe a normative labyrinth where democracy, ‘stateness

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Samantha Newbery

normalising legal procedures in Northern Ireland resulted in the establishment of jury-less Diplock Courts in 1973. This was followed by a 1975 report by Lord Gardiner, who had previously served on the Parker Committee, into balancing counter-terrorism with civil liberties and human rights. Lord Gardiner concluded that internment could not be used long-term. Internment was duly phased out, with the last of those

in Interrogation, intelligence and security
Abstract only
Robin Wilson

with the invasion of Gaza – committing war crimes, echoed by its enemy Hamas, according to a 575-page report for the United Nations Human Rights Council by a distinguished team led by Justice Richard Goldstone. 7 The displacement on the Palestinian side of the secular (but corrupt) Fatah by the fundamentalist Hamas had been part of the same long-running process of polarisation which had undermined the moderate ‘peace camp

in The Northern Ireland experience of conflict and agreement