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Order and disorder
Chris Beasley
Heather Brook

limiting effects of power. Stanley here draws upon long-standing critiques of the undemocratic, unequal, and illiberal aspects of liberal democracies to insist that propaganda does indeed flourish within these polities. In particular, 50 Security he draws attention to the presence and proliferation of the insidious propaganda message that there are no controlling elements within these polities; that there are no modes of power directed towards persuading the citizenry to accept and embrace existing power relations within them. Reiterated cinematic narratives in

in The cultural politics of contemporary Hollywood film
Scott Wilson

got his parents to pay his way to Yemen so he could learn to speak ‘pure’ Arabic. From there he headed to Pakistan to join a madrassah in a region known to be a stronghold of Islamist extremists. Many American commentators have puzzled over the enigma that, as Newsweek commented, Walker Lindh ‘grew up in possibly the most liberal, tolerant place in America [yet] was drawn to the most illiberal, intolerant sect in Islam’. For Hoover Institution scholar Shelby Steele, Walker Lindh, ‘was prepared for this seduction not just by the wispy relativism of Marin County, but

in Great Satan’s rage
Marie-Line and Chaos
Carrie Tarr

illiberal. The films’ focus on women also challenges more conventional (male) mainstream understandings of what might constitute political filmmaking (and political action). However, their progressive construction of cross-racial sisterhood is potentially undermined by the different cinematic strategies deployed to represent the different women. The chapter examines first what the films have in common, then analyses the problematic construction in each film of its

in Reframing difference
Justice unravelled, a tale of two Frances (1941 and 1943)
Susan Hayward

statement seems abundantly clear. The point is, however, that where Costa-Gavras's films are concerned, while they are for the most part based in one contemporary political event or another, they, nonetheless, also transcend their times. In exposing all forms of abuse of power, be it political demagoguery, military totalitarianism, dictatorship and the ensuing denial of human rights and undermining of justice – in short, films that give testimony to the death of democracy – they issue a timely reminder as to the extremes to which illiberal regimes will go. Costa

in The films of Costa-Gavras
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Scott Wilson

and reasonableness precludes passionate belief in anything, even in itself. Bloom’s illiberal view is supported by the liberal Michael W. Apple, but from another perspective, since the latter suggests that this conflict-free model is actually the violent effect of a hidden curriculum: The hidden curriculum of schools serves to reinforce basic rules surrounding the nature of conflict and its uses. It posits a network of assumptions that, when internalized by students, establishes the boundaries of legitimacy. This process is accomplished not so much by explicit

in Great Satan’s rage
From Le Thé à la menthe to La Fille de Keltoum
Carrie Tarr

two young men sets off on the ferry for France, vowing never to set foot in his country again. It thus dramatises the growing illiberalism of the Algerian state, makes claims for an identity which transcends the narrowly nationalistic, and accounts for the choice made by many Algerian intellectuals to live in exile in France. Conclusion This survey of émigré Algerian films made since the 1980s indicates a shift in perspective from films (still

in Reframing difference
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Philip Hammond

an illiberal political correctness’ (17 March). Yet although she criticised Blair as a ‘universalist’ with ‘fantasies of international brotherhood’, the terms in which Phillips explained America’s ‘governing ambition to restructure the Middle East’ sounded remarkably similar to the language of ethical foreign policy. ‘Iraq is to be liberated’, she declared, in a ‘just war

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
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Public unhappiness and theatrical scapegoats
Stephen Greer

’s speech, and on feminist speech in particular. If the figure of the humourless feminist serves as a trope designed ‘to delegitimize feminist argument even before the argument begins’ (Tomlinson 2010: 1), it does so in part through a punitive reading of affect which frames anger as irrational, excessive and illiberal, and –​as in Helen Paris’ biting comic solo Family Hold Back (2004)  –​presents the requirement to moderate one’s anger as a simple matter of good table manners. In response, Christie’s stand-​up proceeds by asserting angry humourlessness in a manner that

in Queer exceptions