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From orthodox ‘populism studies’ to critical theory
Paul K. Jones

‘extremism’ and ‘radical right’. For Mudde, extremism is opposed to democracy in toto while ‘radical’ positions are anti-liberal but still accept a minimalist understanding of democracy as election-based procedure. Mudde's populist radical right here coincides with contemporary understandings of ‘illiberal’, often applied to figures like Viktor Orbán in Hungary. 11 Mudde proposes instead a ‘paradigm shift’ to ‘pathological normalcy’ that would acknowledge that populist radical right

in Critical theory and demagogic populism
The Eurozone crisis, Brexit, and possible disintegration
Peter J. Verovšek

(previously Front national) in France, the United Kingdom Independence Party, the Greek Golden Dawn, Fidesz in Hungary, as well as Law and Justice in Poland. While the postcommunist states of East-Central Europe have sought to push the EU into a more ‘illiberal’ direction that opposes migration and the protection of minorities in favour of an emphasis on Christian values, the populist movements in its western ‘core’ have moved in a more Gaullist direction, calling for the scaling back of supranationalism towards a model of a Europe des patries . The rise of this ‘axis of

in Memory and the future of Europe
Will Kymlicka and Sue Donaldson

origins for the capacity contract are fundamentally illiberal and undemocratic. For Aristotle, the function of politics was to display a series of gender, class, racial and species supremacies: politics was where men revealed themselves to be superior to women, the propertied revealed themselves to be superior to slaves, the Greeks revealed themselves to be superior to barbarians, adults revealed themselves to be superior to children, and humans

in Democratic inclusion
Looming constitutional conflicts between the de-centralist logic of functional diff erentiation and the bio-political steering of austerity and global governance
Darrow Schecter

context, however, neoliberal policies can also work in opposition to some of the main FD AND MEDIATED UNITY IN QUESTION 121 tenets of liberal democracy. These divergences can be analysed in terms of bio-​political intrusion into the private sphere, dogmatism in matters related to austerity, and many other patently illiberal policies that surely would have been anathema to J. S. Mill, Isaiah Berlin, John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin, and many other liberal and liberal democratic thinkers. Pervasive surveillance and severe curtailment of rights protecting access to the free

in Critical theory and sociological theory
Peter J. Verovšek

Depression. To a certain extent, this may already be visible in the rise of illiberal democracy in Poland and Hungary and the success of far-right populist parties such as the Rassemblement national in France, the Lega in Italy, and the Alternative für Deutschland in Germany. 16 Totalitarianism – in both its fascist and its communist flavours – remains surprisingly salient in European narratives of collective memory. Deteriorating economic conditions on top of the hopelessness created by seemingly never-ending austerity not only threatens the EU as an institution; it

in Memory and the future of Europe
Paul K. Jones

's state capitalism debates. It also foreshadows the ‘illiberal’ forms of state that have recently arisen in the wake of neopopulist regimes, most notably in Europe: ‘intensified state-control over every sphere of socio-economic life combined with radical decline of the institutions of political democracy and the draconian and multiform curtailment of so-called “formal liberties”’. 30 The echo of the Institute's work becomes even stronger when Poulantzas periodizes this set of

in Critical theory and demagogic populism
Abstract only
Allyn Fives

quite a lot, for it would follow that a good life must have some role given over to political theory. But it does not amount to claiming to have identified the summum bonum , or conceptualising freedom on that basis. To return to points made right at the outset of this book, value monism is compatible with a wider variety of arguments in political philosophy. Value monism does not entail or require illiberal political commitments (as we can see with Shklar's commitment to toleration, for example). Nor does value monism entail or require

in Judith Shklar and the liberalism of fear
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Allyn Fives

whether one can be an illiberal value pluralist. And my argument would be that value pluralism does not and could not rule out the possibility of non-liberal resolutions to moral conflicts, but it would be a contradiction in terms to engage in political theory as both a value pluralist and an illiberal. And returning to Shklar, if her liberalism of permanent minorities is indeed based upon a series of decisions made when faced with conflicting moral values (how much equality to pursue when this conflicts with market freedoms, and so on), then we would have a

in Judith Shklar and the liberalism of fear
Open Access (free)
Rainer Bauböck

: policies, government protection, and membership and self-government. Regarding the three as complementary rather than alternative or reducible to a single principle should help to save republicanism from the charge that it has illiberal implications. In other words, a republicanism focused on self-government must be tamed and enhanced by a liberalism defending the inclusion of affected interests and equal protection of the law also for those who

in Democratic inclusion
Thomas Osborne

liberalism everywhere, especially whereas in fact there is, of course, illiberalism and oppression just about everywhere too. Of course. It is a case, instead, of specifying Foucault’s ‘problem’ here; specifying what it was that interested him in liberalism and neo-liberalism. Our brief problematological reflections will lead us to address this in relation to the status of critique in the one, and to political creativity – inventiveness – in the other. These large themes are treated very cursorily here, only so as merely to register the extent to which there is a

in The structure of modern cultural theory