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Editor’s Introduction
Juliano Fiori

Introduction The first thing to say about liberal order is that it hasn’t been that liberal. Since the Second World War, the production of subjects obeisant to the rule of liberal institutions has depended on illiberal and authoritarian methods – not least on the periphery of the world system, where conversion to Western reason has been pursued with particularly millenarian zeal, and violence. The wishful idea of an ever more open and global market economy has been continuously undermined by its champions, with their subsidies

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Brad Evans

crises. Resistance aside for now, what’s often left out of this narrative is precisely how the organisation of violence takes considered financial and material investment to ensure its sustainability over time. Indeed, the very idea of a liberal peace that emerged through this progressive account of human cohabitation proved to be a complete misnomer, as it wilfully and violently destroyed illiberal forms of planetary life. Violence is the Result of Difference The idea of racial violence is part of a broader schematic that connects to competing claims to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

challenged. The ground gained by so called ‘illiberal democracy’ is prodigious, not merely in terms of the number of countries where illiberal politics is alive and thriving, many of which are in the West (the US, much of the EU, the UK) but in terms of the creeping legitimacy that attends right-wing solutions to ongoing social and political problems. This is nowhere truer than in the major new power in the international system, China, where a version of state-controlled capitalism co-exists alongside a principled rejection of liberalism. The

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Kader Asmal

backward looking only in that it involves a MUP_Hume_Peacemaking.indd 189 11/10/2013 15:25 190 Kader Asmal repudiation of an illiberal past. And a repudiation of the past requires the construction/marshalling of reasons in the present-day in order to justify the rejection of values and practices of the past. Our transitional constitutional project cannot be about safeguarding the traditions and practices of the past. It is true that we in South Africa, especially, want to reclaim and restore histories that have been negated – histories of marginalised peoples and

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
Reuben Wong

the Asia-Pacific region (Maier-Knapp, 2012; Onestini, 2015; Wong, 2015; Yeo and Matera, 2015; Narine, 2016; Wong, 2016). NTS, as a concept, remains vague but extensive, allowing Southeast Asian states to subsume most types of 194 Selected countries and groups challenges to the region, and sticking to the central role of the state as both the object and provider of security. As such, the EU’s dilemma lies in the NTS concept possessing the possibility of undemocratic and illiberal abuse of the concept that runs contrary to the values of the EU, but it remains a

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Miguel Otero-Iglesias

moving beyond the mere economic and commercial focus that drives its relations with the Asia-Pacific. This trend is likely to continue now that the US has in Trump an illiberal president and now that the benefits of unfettered globalisation are openly questioned inside the EU. In the next years the EU will be faced with a paradox. While it wants to benefit from Asia-Pacific strengths, which are based on its economic growth and dynamism, it is precisely in its flaws (political conflicts, human rights violations, institutional and law-enforcement weakness) that the EU

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Helen Thompson

, 1995), p. 151. 36 See Mommsen, Imperial Germany. 37 See F. Stern, ‘Bethmann Hollweg and the war: the bounds of responsibility’, in The Failure of Illiberalism: Essays on the Political Culture of Modern Germany (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992). 38 Quoted in Seton-Watson, Italy from Liberalism to Fascism, p. 382. 39 G. Mosca, The Ruling Class: Elements of the Science of Politics, ed. A. Livingston, trans. H. D. Kahn (New York: McGraw Hill, 1939), p. 221. 40 See J. Calhoun, A Disquisition on Government and Selections from the Discourse on the Constitution

in Might, right, prosperity and consent
Kees van der Pijl

blueprint for intervention in Ukraine to weld democracy promotion, economic warfare and the application of military force into a ‘new art of military intervention premised on the temporary occupation and technocratic reconstruction-​reconstitution of illiberal societies’.123 A state benefiting from this would also find its sovereignty limited, or as Krasner 29 The global gamble of a new Cold War 29 calls it, be assigned ‘shared sovereignty’, ‘a voluntary agreement between recognized national political authorities and an external actor such as another state or a

in Flight MH17, Ukraine and the new Cold War
‘Europeanisation’ or bilateral preferences?
Martin Dangerfield

with Russia 153 but also of politics. There seems no dispute that the narrative of a lurch to the Russian illiberal model of democracy and even charges of ‘Putinisation’ in Hungary has merits. Yet when it comes to reasons for opposition to sanctions, statements in favour of close economic ties with Russia, and bilateral economic cooperation activities, the sheer importance of economic links with Russia clearly suggests a pragmatic reflex. In addition, close political ties usually follow in the footsteps of close economic and trade ties. It should be mentioned that

in The European Union and its eastern neighbourhood
The case of the South Caucasus
Kevork Oskanian and Derek Averre

this research programme was more directly policy-relevant: if democracy engenders peace, would democratisation result in a more peaceful world? Two groups of scholars confronted each other around this question. Both groups held that the dyadic form of DPT had been sufficiently confirmed by the evidence. They diverged, however, in their acceptance of a correlational or causal link between democratisation and pacification. This implied a disaggregation of the DPT into immature and mature (or, for Zakaria (1997, 2007), illiberal and liberal) democracies. While agreeing

in The European Union and its eastern neighbourhood