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Democratic conflict and the public university
Ruth Sheldon

’, and specifically Islam, as a key source of conflict is a more recent development (Dinham and Jones 2012; O’Toole and Gale 2013). Following the violent events of 9/​11 and 7/​7 and the emergent Contested framings 19 discourse of a ‘War on Terror’, Muslims’ political claim-​making has been constructed as uniquely illiberal, in violation of Western communicative norms, and has therefore become a focus of government action. As Pnina Werbner (2012) describes, this forms part of an evolving discourse positing a civilisational clash between ‘the West’ and Islam. From

in Tragic encounters and ordinary ethics
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Migrants into minorities
Shailja Sharma

: liberalism and race While liberal definitions of citizenship have always seen cultural autonomy as central to some form of cultural pluralism (as in Canada and the United States), France and Britain have had less success with this model, largely because of persistent economic and political marginalization of their migrants (Kymlicka, 1995). Additionally, the colonial histories between South Asians and Britain, and between Maghrebis and France, have helped perpetuate illiberal stereotypes institutionally and in popular discourse. Histories, racism, class differences and a

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
David R. Wilson

course, be as ignorant as it would be illiberal to deny to a church that is still illustrious with a galaxy of names as bright as those of St. Teresa, Madame Guyon, and the two Saints Francis the advantage of their shining piety. But, in presence of the saintly pair whose lives we are about to sketch [i.e. John and Mary Fletcher], it is impossible to concede to the Romish Communion a monopoly in the production and possession of saints.60 Seed’s premise was that Methodists had in fact been developing ‘the idea of a Saint’ (with a capital ‘S’). They had been developing

in Making and remaking saints in nineteenth-century Britain
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Freedom of belief, freedom from belief
John Pritchard, Andrew Brown, and Emma Cohen

they have a special interest – in the case of the Roman Catholic Church, this might include lobbying against such practices as abortion, divorce, allowing women to take religious office and homosexual relations. One might regard their policies as illiberal and reactionary, yet still accept that they have a right to argue for them. But as self-constituted interest groups on a par with others such, they have no greater right than these others to be given more ear by government, or a louder voice in the public square, than they. And yet it is standardly the case that

in Religion and rights
Benjamin J. Elton

. Hertz was convinced that it was heretical and had to be fought. In 1912 he told his new congregation in New York, ‘I shall look to you for your help in my conflict with illiberal liberalism’.163 He brought this message to London and told a congregation in 1914 that non-traditional Judaism ‘may be dazzling’ but asserted that ‘at a nearer view, its light is seen to be a phosphorescent screen, the accompaniment of disintegration and decay’.164 His called Liberal Judaism ‘a revolt against Jewish Law, the Jewish life, the whole historic Jewish outlook. . ..dry rationalism

in Britain’s Chief Rabbis and the religious character of Anglo-Jewry, 1880–1970
Freedom, democracy and liberalism
John Carter Wood

Christianity and democracy. Hodges, for example, stressed that democracy, rights and equality could, in fact, be rooted ‘in humanist soil’ and had not hitherto played a part in Christian traditions: ‘Christ and the Apostles’, he observed in the Moot, ‘never took part in a general election’. 197 Mackinnon similarly noted in the CNL that Christianity had largely developed in un-free societies. 198 At times, the group’s critique of ‘mass democracy’ and individualism echoed those of distinctly illiberal thinkers – whether authoritarian Catholics or ‘Neo-Tories’ – who

in This is your hour
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Towards ethical ethnography
Ruth Sheldon

, “conservative” in the Orthodox sense rather than in the illiberal sense.’ Justin described how he had subsequently become involved with Habonim Dror, a ‘socialist, Zionist, culturally Jewish movement’, an experience that had left him very ‘screwed up’ as ‘I jump from side to side’ in relation to questions of ‘security’ and ‘social justice’. He also spoke of his frustration at the separation of Jewish and Israel Societies on campus; he had become involved with the Jewish Society in the hope of making a space for a ‘depoliticised’ Judaism, yet he felt Zionism was inseparable

in Tragic encounters and ordinary ethics
Benjamin J. Elton

’s law’ – and also attacked their opponents, warning that ‘we shall be accused of stemming the wheels of progress’ by opposing the acceptance school (Reform).42 In an interview given to the Jewish Chronicle in 1911 while passing through London, Hertz asserted his total opposition to Reform Jewish theology and practice.43 When he joined Orach Chayim as well as celebrating the synagogue’s ideology he castigated its opponents, telling the congregation ‘I shall look to you for your help in my conflict with illiberal liberalism’.44 In 1914, just a year after Hertz came to

in Britain’s Chief Rabbis and the religious character of Anglo-Jewry, 1880–1970
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John Anderson

returned to look at the impact of a revitalised Protestantism as represented by the predominantly evangelical Christian Right in the USA and the rapidly expanding global Pentecostal movement. In both cases we pointed to ambiguities, as religious leaders sometimes promoted illiberal policy agendas, yet the very fact of participating in politics often forced them to engage in the sort of bargaining and compromise that are an essential feature of democracy. Simultaneously, their followers often gained considerable experience in negotiating, organising and leading, all

in Christianity and democratisation
Joel M. Dodson

: for Donne, the ‘fecundity’ in true religion emerges precisely in the local, if illiberal, demands confession places on the self in the ‘natural’, ‘spiritual’, and ‘civil’ life of the divided Body of Christ. These demands figured prominently in the Hague sermon’s audience and occasion. Hastily delivered at the end of Lord Doncaster’s ambassadorial trip through the Palatinate and Northern Europe, Donne’s December 1619 address followed closely on the heels of the conclusion of the Synod of Dort, yielding a text he would only later compile from ‘short notes’ in 1630, during

in Forms of faith