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bazaar seems closer to a place of refuge than a site of exclusion, open for all comers, where to be ‘home, albeit lost’, marks both the diasporic subject’s torment as well as their tenure. In the bazaar the illiberal vocabulary of patria encounters alternative opportunities for striking human relations. ‘Could the museum’, asks the speaker hopefully, ‘help inter / our old ideas
illiberal government was founded in the corruption of men by patronage and bribery, and these arguments had formed part of their critique of the unreformed British state for decades. Imperial expenditure was interpreted as a sign of ‘Old Corruption’ abroad, apparent evidence that the colonies were becoming bastions of aristocracy, privilege and tyranny. 161 Reformers argued that growing numbers of
-estimated’ or ‘despised’ on ‘the score of their moral attributes’. This, he cautioned, made as much sense as trying to ‘form an estimate of our national character in England’ from ‘some commercial sea-port’. If the British were to judge the Chinese on their experience in Canton, ‘we in fact become as illiberal as themselves’. 55 Toogood Downing aimed in his three volumes to reveal ‘the absurdity of prejudice
indiscriminately allowed the privilege . . . was both unjust and illiberal’. 30 Ten years later he was agitating ‘to put the Indians on the same footing as the white . . . [taking] some of the privileges which they had superior to those of the white men, such as the privilege of hunting at unseasonable times . . . [and] the privilege under some circumstances of not paying their debts’. 31
inhibited in their actions by the perception that such legislation would be unpopular with the UK public. Specifically ministers feared that any attempt to control the inward migration of British subjects of colour would be condemned as ‘illiberal’ by the ‘more vocal elements’ of public opinion. 46 Given the editorials running in journals such as The Economist and even popular newspapers such as the Daily
India, for example, the police were customarily deployed in a more forceful and distressingly illiberal ‘political’ way. 22 Something of this quite beguiling order seems to have held good: exactly how much, and under what kind of durable local and popular conditions, is a large and intriguing historical question. None of this is to say that those who guarded Cape Town’s lingering liberal capitalist
. For all his illiberal appearance, Templer was in fact committed to political advance and police reform. Moreover, his arrival in Malaya early in 1952 coincided with the replacement of Gray by Colonel Arthur Young. Indeed, in stressing Young’s shock at finding ‘what he called a “Police State”’, 24 Purcell weakened his attack upon Templer, for Young was commenting upon the situation which the new High
aristocratic government at home. Van Diemen’s Land, the political offender William Ashton told public meetings on his return to England in the late 1830s, was the product of an already illiberal and ‘blood-stained’ British state. ‘Look at the annals of’ this ‘country’, he counselled: keep in mind the Manchester massacre [Peterloo] . . . the
the reasons for its adoption, to inform Indian opinion about the situation worldwide, and thus ‘to create a demand’ for paper currency. 23 On the other hand, Montagu noted that the Islington Commission report on public services (1917) was widely regarded by Indians as ‘unsatisfactory, disappointing, illiberal’. The government ought to have responded by creating ‘a
Apparently ‘Bushmen’ engaged as shepherds would earn about 10s a month, or else a goat ewe, together with cast-off clothes ‘and in most cases a not illiberal ration of meat with a little bread and coffee’; they might also earn a gun. 20 Wives and children would work at a farmer’s homestead, although Scott also reported in 1883 that at present the only demand for labour is for herds unencumbered with families. Such form but a small proportion of the native population. I know of many cases of men with