interrelated challenges to the existing human rights and humanitarian regime: illiberal states and ideologies; failed states; and globalization and business. It highlights that there are more vehicles for individuals to participate in human rights and humanitarian diplomacy and that diplomacy should be judged, not by how close it meets a particular ideal, but whether at a particular place and time, human dignity was preserved. As long as the status of human dignity is better than it was before, then diplomacy was successful.
Illiberal states and ideologies
and to minimise diasporic acts of dissent against the ruling regime of the sending-state. In contrast, Egypt's diaspora policy has evolved more inclusively: while acts of repression are not unheard of, the main tenets of Egyptian policy have revolved around the desire to engage their citizen diaspora groups into the country's development ambitions since the 1970s. The chapter discusses these policies in detail and employs the tenets of the illiberal paradox , as described in Chapter 1 , in order to shed light on the rationale behind this divergence
understanding of autocracies’ management of emigration and diaspora.
This section introduces Hollifield's ( 2004 ) concept of the ‘liberal paradox’ as a starting point. It argues that its expansion to illiberal contexts would make it more suitable for cross-regional comparisons that depart from Western liberal democratic norms. By placing Hollifield's work into conversation with Hirschman's seminal work on ‘exit’ and ‘voice’ (1970), it offers a useful framework in order to understand migration policymaking in authoritarianism. Almost twenty years ago
the name of national security and the fight against terrorism.
The early admitted crude and overtly violent Spanish attempt at illiberal practices intended to shore up a still shaky new liberal State would arguably be eschewed by most liberal States today even if it is not unreasonable to suppose that most if not all intelligence services deploy similar borderline or entirely illegal practices. Covert operations have become a fundamental, arguably banal feature of foreign policy. The use of military force not only against so-called terrorists but
Europe where no fewer than fourteen high-ranking Spanish police officers and senior government officials, including the Minister of the Interior himself, were arrested and condemned for counter-terrorism wrongdoings and illiberal practices. It is also safe to say that, even a full thirty years after its last known action, the GAL remain very much alive within Spain and across the Basque country. One could even say that they went beyond enduring in collective memory, as their initiators had surely hoped it would.
The 1980s GAL episode periodically
Global security architectures and civil society since 9/ 11
Scott N. Romaniuk and Emeka Thaddues Njoku
longevity. This raises the question about the role of norms and state
patterns, practices, and behavior in the context of CTMs and CSOs and
civil society more broadly.
It is clear that governments and leaders around the world
have taken stock of the potentially valuable, though illiberal, usage of
CTMs for political purposes. The WoT and WoT mentality has facilitated
these practices and processes by exposing
became an instrument for illiberal political leaders to repress
political opponents or human rights activists or groups critical to
state policies. For instance, Aries A. Arugay explains how the
Philippines prides itself on having vibrant CSOs, following its
political trajectory characterized by intense political contestations
and the defeat of dictatorship. However, the post-9/11 counter
The post-9/ 11 global security regime and the securitization of civil society
Richard McNeil- Willson and Scott N. Romaniuk
civil society, particularly against non-governmental and
CSOs in authoritarian regimes or “managed” democracies
such as China, Kazakhstan, Nigeria, Russia, Uzbekistan, Kenya, and
Uganda, alongside many new cases – though illiberal conduct
has been observed and recorded in deep-rooted democratic societies
as well (Howell, 2006 , Quigley & Pratten,
2007 , Howell & Lind, 2009
Code of silence, political scandal and strategies of denial
the GAL, the Irish journalist Paddy Woodworth asked Vera in November 1997 why he had covered for Amedo and Domínguez after their indictment.
His response: Because they were not terrorists, but persons fighting terrorism, ‘using methods that may or may not have been the right ones, granted, but they did it in all good faith’.
Here again encapsulated is the ‘good faith’ argument, which transforms the covert and illiberal
illiberal wave of conservatism that is also undermining its growing
civil society. With the assent of its own government, more
conservative policies have penalized for example homosexuality, free
speech, and other political freedoms. As democracy continued to
erode worldwide, the recent developments in the Philippines
represent a dangerous trend of shrinking civil society space in Asia