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This book traces discussions about international relations from the middle ages up to the present times. It presents central concepts in historical context and shows how ancient ideas still affect the way we perceive world politics. It discusses medieval theologians like Augustine and Aquinas whose rules of war are still in use. It presents Renaissance humanists like Machiavelli and Bodin who developed our understanding of state sovereignty. It argues that Enlightenment philosophers like Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau laid the basis for the modern analyses of International Relations (IR). Later thinkers followed up with balance-of-power models, perpetual-peace projects and theories of exploitation as well as peaceful interdependence. Classic IR theories have then been steadily refined by later thinkers – from Marx, Mackinder and Morgenthau to Waltz, Wallerstein and Wendt.
The book shows that core ideas of IR have been shaped by major events in the past and that they have often reflected the concerns of the great powers. It also shows that the most basic ideas in the field have remained remarkably constant over the centuries.
prefecture. The two case studies in this chapter draw on interviews with the CEOs of Kaihara and Japan Blue and documents from both companies. The examples fit perfectly within a comparative, historical study of Japanese premium denim and jeans. On the one hand, the case studies demonstrate that producing denim, the fabric, is a different story and needs a different strategy from producing jeans, the garment. On the other, the two stories are also closely related because of interdependence between the two industries; Kaihara, for example, dyes Japan Blue’s woven cotton
had long argued that a federation of states was the only sensible solution to Europe’s problem of recurrent wars. His argument was reflected in Schumann’s proposition to establish a European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC). The ECSC would, first, bring under collective control the two key industries in the production of modern weapons systems – coal and steel. Second, integration of these important industries would be followed by integrative spinoffs in other industries and initiate a Continental development towards greater interdependence. 1 Schumann was
experiencing an increasing degree of integration, he argued in his book Beyond the Nation-State ( 1964 ). The analyses of Deutsch, Mitrany and Haas contributed importantly to the study of European integration. The theoretical core of their argument was simple; they had, in fact, revived the old, half-forgotten theory of interdependence (Seebohm 1871 ; Angell 1910 ). But they had also expanded upon it and refined it. Mitrany and Haas had, for example, used their observations to criticize federalist theory and pave the way for alternative theories of integration
interdependence Nationalism, industrialism and imperialism affected the behaviour of nineteenth-century states. Two additional factors also affected the behaviour of states – or rather, shaped the way statesmen and scholars perceived state relations: ‘interdependence’ and ‘evolution’. Both factors made deep marks on late nineteenth-century International Relations theory. Also, they informed the first efforts to build a science of international politics and they cast long shadows over International Relations International Relations theorizing for many decades
power’. Another is that of ‘interdependence’. These two mechanisms curtail the sovereignty of states and harness the anarchy of the system. To make the world even more orderly – to curtail the sovereignty of states even more – Lorimer proposed a third mechanism: namely, institutions of law which would regulate state behaviour through norms and generally accepted rules. Lorimer, in other words, formulated some of the most basic arguments of modern International Relations. He would have been a celebrated member of the International Relations Hall of Fame – if his
they offer against hegemony and violence and towards models of horizontality and interdependence. As a set of theoretical formations they are far from consistent, either internally or alongside each other, but they demonstrate ways of broadening out from the normative, whether those ideas come informed by human-based models of social justice and equality or via the wilder reaches of ‘queering’ and ‘weirding’ as strategy. Ecofeminism has great leverage in theoretical, political and activist terms, though the caveat offered by Timothy Clark is true enough, that
that which is regular and safe, although we are rarely aware of it, rests upon the three great systems of social will which I define as order, law, and morality. The two functions last mentioned, the legal and the moral orders or systems, are the fully developed types of the first one. (8) We are confident that we can predict the other person’s volitions and actions because we trust that there is order which comes, among other things, in the shape of law and morality. From here Tönnies moves to a discussion of interdependence. Interdependence refers
periods of sexual abstinence, were priests required to remain celibate: for them, as for others, marriage marked social maturation, and they were expected to pass on their esoteric knowledge to their sons. In the raising and use of maize, that central activity – central in its importance for subsistence, in the hours spent in its production, and in its sacred significance – the interdependence of male and female, husband and wife, was again demonstrated. The Franciscan Francisco Vásquez, writing of the milperos in the highlands of Guatemala in the early years of
data sets and controlled for every conceivable variable. They demonstrated repeatedly that the correlation between democracy and peacefulness was robust and significant (Bremer 1992 ; Maoz and Russett 1993 ). After nearly a decade of such investigations, Bruce Russett and John Oneal presented a fully fledged theory. In Triangulating Peace ( 2001 ) they explained the democratic zone of peace in terms of the virtuous interaction of three factors: democratic government, interdependence and international organizations. Democratic government, they argued, constrains