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’ agencies, INGOs and intergovernmental organisations. For a famine to be declared, a region needs to surpass three thresholds: 2 deaths per 10,000 people per day (crude death rate), 30 per cent of children are acutely malnourished and 20 per cent of households with extreme food gaps ( IPC Global Partners, 2019 : 9). If the region falls into the category of ‘famine’, the IPC system stresses the need for ‘immediate action’ from the international community ( IPC Global
broadly conceptualised ‘as the increasingly organized and internationalized attempt to save the lives, enhance the welfare, and reduce the suffering of the world’s most vulnerable populations’ ( Barnett, 2013 : 379). Who (mis)represents women, and who besides states and intergovernmental organisations diagnoses deficiencies in a population and proposes schemes of improvement, are open empirical questions ( Marchand and Parpart, 1995 ; Li, 2007 ; Barnett, 2013
were unavailable for the Biafrans, perceived not as a self-determination campaign, but as a secessionist threat: the opponent that was accepted as a sovereign nation-state in intergovernmental organisations was Nigeria. This was the OAU [Organisation of African Unity] stance that determined the position of the UN and the wider diplomatic world, in which Biafra’s campaign could not thrive, even though the rhetoric of the campaign itself was so similar to decolonisation
be more than enough to achieve its limited goals from Lebanon, a country which is in a political and economic crisis. It is in this context that Hezbollah's political and economic consolidation should continue to be watched closely amid calls for it, and the rest of the Lebanese political elite, to relinquish power. Towards multilateralism: IGAD and the Red Sea Forum IGAD (the Intergovernmental Authority on Development) includes Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan and Uganda. The intergovernmental
. Gulf intervention and broader competition encompassing key Egyptian national security issues and the presence of Turkey in Somalia and Ethiopia have also created aspects of instability. This could have a particularly grave effect in places such as Somalia which are already suffering from the effects of drought and disintegration. The duality of instability – that from competing GCC and other interests being superimposed on the Horn as well as domestic and regional challenges – could further compromise local cooperation through intergovernmental organisations such as
relative global insignificance, with Vietnam showing commitment to the intergovernmental organisation since its accession in 1995. On the other hand, Germany has always been a linchpin of European integration, due to post-war peacemaking, but its pro-European discourse has come under attack since German unification. Chapter 3 looks at how nation-building in unified Germany and Vietnam set about overcoming decades of division by
). Institutions can take the form of formal intergovernmental organisations, such as the UN, but also of international regimes, that is ‘principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures around which actor expectations converge in a given issue-area’ (Krasner 1982 : 185), such as the Bretton Woods international monetary regime, and conventions, that is ‘informal institutions with implicit rules and understandings, that shape the expectations of actors’ (Keohane 1989 : 4). All three institutional forms create expectations on states’ behaviour, reducing the uncertainty
understanding of the world, those actors are likely to perceive it as an existential threat. Sociological institutionalism and UN peacekeeping There is a relative paucity of sociological institutionalist analyses of UN peacekeeping. This is partly the result of a general neglect of international organisations more broadly in sociological institutionalist studies, which have focused primarily on private firms and local government agencies, and only rarely on large international, intergovernmental organisations (Benner et al. 2011 : 53
War and in the 1990s, scholars studied peacekeeping and its connections to global politics on the basis of different theoretical perspectives, such as the English School. Professor Berdal also reminds us that when we talk about the ‘UN’, we should keep in mind that it is ultimately an intergovernmental organisation shaped by member states who design peace operations and also implement them by providing troops, which carry out the mandate in the field but often seek guidance from national capitals. UN peace operations involve a multiplicity of actors, levels, and
, on the eve of the OSCE’s Istanbul Summit, he once more proposed an enhanced BSEC and called for greater balance between the interrelated economic, political and security issues facing the BSEC member-states: Perhaps the time is ripe for BSEC to strike an appropriate balance between economic cooperation and cooperation on regional security, and determine its place within the family of the other regional alliances and intergovernmental organisation in the new European architecture of the 21st century. These issues are increasingly relevant and BSEC’ s ultimate