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’ agencies, INGOs and intergovernmental organisations. For a famine to be declared, a region needs to surpass three thresholds: 2 deaths per 10,000 people per day (crude death rate), 30 per cent of children are acutely malnourished and 20 per cent of households with extreme food gaps ( IPC Global Partners, 2019 : 9). If the region falls into the category of ‘famine’, the IPC system stresses the need for ‘immediate action’ from the international community ( IPC Global
broadly conceptualised ‘as the increasingly organized and internationalized attempt to save the lives, enhance the welfare, and reduce the suffering of the world’s most vulnerable populations’ ( Barnett, 2013 : 379). Who (mis)represents women, and who besides states and intergovernmental organisations diagnoses deficiencies in a population and proposes schemes of improvement, are open empirical questions ( Marchand and Parpart, 1995 ; Li, 2007 ; Barnett, 2013
were unavailable for the Biafrans, perceived not as a self-determination campaign, but as a secessionist threat: the opponent that was accepted as a sovereign nation-state in intergovernmental organisations was Nigeria. This was the OAU [Organisation of African Unity] stance that determined the position of the UN and the wider diplomatic world, in which Biafra’s campaign could not thrive, even though the rhetoric of the campaign itself was so similar to decolonisation