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’ agencies, INGOs and intergovernmental organisations. For a famine to be declared, a region needs to surpass three thresholds: 2 deaths per 10,000 people per day (crude death rate), 30 per cent of children are acutely malnourished and 20 per cent of households with extreme food gaps ( IPC Global Partners, 2019 : 9). If the region falls into the category of ‘famine’, the IPC system stresses the need for ‘immediate action’ from the international community ( IPC Global
broadly conceptualised ‘as the increasingly organized and internationalized attempt to save the lives, enhance the welfare, and reduce the suffering of the world’s most vulnerable populations’ ( Barnett, 2013 : 379). Who (mis)represents women, and who besides states and intergovernmental organisations diagnoses deficiencies in a population and proposes schemes of improvement, are open empirical questions ( Marchand and Parpart, 1995 ; Li, 2007 ; Barnett, 2013
were unavailable for the Biafrans, perceived not as a self-determination campaign, but as a secessionist threat: the opponent that was accepted as a sovereign nation-state in intergovernmental organisations was Nigeria. This was the OAU [Organisation of African Unity] stance that determined the position of the UN and the wider diplomatic world, in which Biafra’s campaign could not thrive, even though the rhetoric of the campaign itself was so similar to decolonisation
is a certain amount of discussion about how to define international organisations – here they are taken to mean ‘Intergovernmental Organisations’ (IGOs), although we have to acknowledge the growing importance of International Non-Governmental Organisations (INGOs) and even Business International Organisations (BINGOs) – see Clive Archer, International Organisation (London, Unwin, 2nd edn, 1992), Chapter 1. This is the particular hallmark of the ‘Copenhagen School’, and will be discussed later in the chapter. Eric Roll, Crowded Hours (London, Faber, 1985), p. 77
the most impressive intergovernmental relief agency ever established and indeed “the largest non-military intergovernmental organisation in history”’. It operated from November 1943 until 1947, and disbursed the then as now astronomical sum of $3.9 billion in direct aid, averting wide-scale famine in Europe and Asia. It acted as a care and rehabilitation centre for millions of displaced persons and refugees, until the new Truman Administration decided to close it down at a meeting in Geneva in August 1946 with the summarily delivered expression, ‘the gravy train has
relative global insignificance, with Vietnam showing commitment to the intergovernmental organisation since its accession in 1995. On the other hand, Germany has always been a linchpin of European integration, due to post-war peacemaking, but its pro-European discourse has come under attack since German unification. Chapter 3 looks at how nation-building in unified Germany and Vietnam set about overcoming decades of division by
, cultural, political, historical differences are challenging enough to beg the very question of comparison. Only at the most elementary, material, level is a straightforward comparison meaningful. To raise such a comparison to a conceptual level immediately requires that one engages the vast field of cultural 8 Cultures of governance and peace codes, historical references, discourses, and symbols that support and even generate the history of peace and conflict. The European Union, a multilevel, intergovernmental organisation with hints of sovereignty and sometimes
access to a range of audiences, allowing them to engage with members of the international community directly and with greater speed. Web 2.0 technologies serve to amplify the voices of non-state armed groups at the international level. Yet, these actors are required to work within the discursive power structures that define African subjects within the international system, as well as negotiate narratives about conflict and insecurity in Africa produced externally by states, intergovernmental organisations and human rights interest groups. This chapter considers the
. Investing in regional integration The fiftieth anniversary of the EU and ASEAN’s fortieth jubilee both occurred in 2007. ASEAN remains an eminently flexible, intergovernmental organisation based on member state consensus, and is unencumbered by any supranational institutions beyond a permanent secretariat and a series of regular meetings. In this sense, ASEAN differs greatly from the EU, but this does not rule out fruitful
). Institutions can take the form of formal intergovernmental organisations, such as the UN, but also of international regimes, that is ‘principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures around which actor expectations converge in a given issue-area’ (Krasner 1982 : 185), such as the Bretton Woods international monetary regime, and conventions, that is ‘informal institutions with implicit rules and understandings, that shape the expectations of actors’ (Keohane 1989 : 4). All three institutional forms create expectations on states’ behaviour, reducing the uncertainty