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be more than enough to achieve its limited goals from Lebanon, a country which is in a political and economic crisis. It is in this context that Hezbollah's political and economic consolidation should continue to be watched closely amid calls for it, and the rest of the Lebanese political elite, to relinquish power. Towards multilateralism: IGAD and the Red Sea Forum IGAD (the Intergovernmental Authority on Development) includes Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan and Uganda. The intergovernmental
This book shows how environmentalists have shaped the world's largest multilateral development lender, investment financier and political risk insurer to take up sustainable development. It challenges an emerging consensus over international organisational change to argue that international organisations (IOs) are influenced by their social structure and may change their practices to reflect previously antithetical norms such as sustainable development. The text locates sources of organisational change with environmentalists, thus demonstrating the ways in which non-state actors can effect change within large intergovernmental organisations through socialisation. It combines an account of international organisational change with detailed empirical evidence of change in one issue area across three institutions.
), a regional intergovernmental organisation. In 2018, the PIF affirmed that climate change is the ‘single greatest threat to the livelihoods, security and wellbeing of the peoples of the Pacific’ (Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat, 2018a ). This recognised that climate change exacerbates existing sources of insecurity and has a profound impact on the people’s relationship with
, given that the loftiest ambitions were invariably held by the Left Europeanists, the actual outcome has been suboptimal. Chapter 7 reinforces that, even compared with the PES, and certainly as compared with the noticeably more effectively transnational EGP, the EL remains a predominantly intergovernmental organisation, where decisions are taken by consensus and not QMV. Chapter 4 highlights the prevalent contradiction within the EL between majoritarianism and equality that in practice means that progress in the direction of a more effective (and certainly more
presence, and that is not enough; the great challenge is to also reach civic authorities.’ 37 The history of past (failed) peace processes in Colombia does indeed tell a narrative of the militarised outreach of the state to marginalised regions at the neglect of creating effective civilian institutions that protect local communities. It is in that respect that our methodological shift to the community perspective has a normative implication that echoes the intergovernmental organisation staff grievance on the
deaths of those en route were documented in different ways by local coroners across various states, while those arriving to the EU alive were identified and documented by local police authorities as well as by EU agencies such as Frontex, Europol, Eurojust and the European Asylum Support Office (EASO). States as well as intergovernmental organisations such as the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) collated data about migratory journeys, while digital records of travellers were transferred between
of member parties and a smaller Committee elected by the Council (European Green Party, 2017b ). However, the PES arguably takes this intergovernmentalism the furthest, with no less than three intergovernmental organisations: the Council (which ‘contribute(s) to the shaping of the PES policy’ and ‘serve(s) as a platform for strategic discussions’ (Art. 29.1)); the Presidency (the ‘highest organ’ for day-to-day administration and implementing decisions of Council and Congress (Art. 33.1/2)) and the Leaders’ Conference, convoked by the President and held at least
Joost Lips (1547–1606), Justus Lipsius – ‘just lips’ – has been the punchline of much ridicule of the Council’s work. Sitting at the top of the EU’s political hierarchy, the Council underscores the Union’s intergovernmentalism. As in every intergovernmental organisation, negotiations between heads of state and governments require early preparation and careful negotiation of conflict and compromise. Scholars have long observed a shift away from high-level, on-the-spot deal-making by heads of government at the European Council, towards low-level preparatory
committed by States, intergovernmental organisations or non-state actors, including private persons and armed groups, remains pervasive in all countries of the world, with high levels of impunity’. CEDAW General Recommendation 35 (14 July 2017) UN Doc CEDAW/C/GC/35. 19 Ibid
violations. 150 Her allegations were supported by the abundant information contained in reports of intergovernmental organisations and NGOs of rapes by security forces in Peru as part of their campaign to intimidate, humiliate and punish civilians suspected of collaborating with insurgents. Such rapes were committed with impunity and the Commission noted that there were no effective domestic remedies within