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The media and international intervention
Author: Philip Hammond

The first major post-Cold War conflict, the 1991 Gulf war, indicated how much had already changed. Saddam Hussein had enjoyed Western support in Iraq's war against Iran in the 1980s, but was abruptly cast as the 'new Hitler' after his invasion of Kuwait in August 1990. This book is about how the media have interpreted conflict and international intervention in the years after the Cold War. By comparing press coverage of a number of different wars and crises, it seeks to establish which have been the dominant themes in explaining the post-Cold War international order and to discover how far the patterns established prior to the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks have subsequently changed. The key concern is with the legitimacy of Western intervention: the aim is to investigate the extent to which Western military action is represented in news reporting as justifiable and necessary. The book presents a study that looks at UK press coverage of six conflicts and the international response to them: two instances of 'humanitarian military intervention' (Somalia and Kosovo); two cases in which the international community was criticised for not intervening (Bosnia and Rwanda); and two post-9/11 interventions (Afghanistan and Iraq). There were a number of overlapping UN and US interventions in Somalia in the early 1990s. Operation Restore Hope was the first major instance of post-Cold War humanitarian military intervention, following the precedent set by the establishment of 'safe havens' for Iraqi Kurds and other minorities at the end of the 1991 Gulf war.

Kathryn Nash

on a myriad of tasks, including implementing complex peace agreements, building institutions, disarming former combatants, and monitoring human rights. 11 One of the first examples of a UN-approved international intervention in the post-Cold War period is the invocation of the clause UN Charter aimed to deter crimes of aggression to defend Kuwait against an invasion by Iraq. The initial intervention approved by the UNSC to expel Iraq from Kuwait clearly fell under a traditional interpretation of the UN Charter that forbids crimes of aggression. Iraqi military

in African peace
Learning from the case of Kosovo
Jenny H. Peterson

commitment to a wider reform agenda such as facilitating global trade, international economic concerns are clearly central to understanding international intervention in the territory. If analysis of a war economy involves understanding who profits from conflict and how, all of these issues become pertinent. The same can be said in terms of understanding the economic interests of regional actors. Despite being one of the poorest regions of the former Yugoslavia, Kosovo contains some of the largest mineral deposits in the region including zinc, lignite and coal. The Trepça

in Building a peace economy?
International peacebuilding consortiums in Nagorny Karabakh, 2003–16
Laurence Broers

In the early 1990s the appearance of a small, war-ravaged and unrecognised Armenian republic in the South Caucasus created a new context in the history of international interventions in Armenian crises. 1 The Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR), proclaimed on 2 September 1991, was one of several cases of unilateral secession challenging Soviet successor states, in this case Azerbaijan. 2 These secessions were contested in small but often vicious wars, characterised on all sides by violations of the human rights of civilian populations on a massive scale. Their

in Aid to Armenia
Abstract only
Philip Hammond

. A third, again closely related, criticism is that the negative impact of international intervention prior to 1994 tends to be underestimated or ignored by most analysts. The RPF’s 1990 invasion was repulsed with French help, but although France had been a staunch supporter of Habyarimana’s one-party state during the Cold War, Western priorities in Africa had already begun to change. The watchword

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
Abstract only
Philip Hammond

definition, possess full sovereignty, international intervention is both necessary and legitimate. As we saw in Chapter 2, this was precisely the argument made about intervention in Somalia in the early 1990s. In the present context, emphasising that ‘For the last five years [Afghanistan] has not even existed as a functioning state’ and that ‘there are no state institutions worth speaking of in Kabul, Straw

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
Brazil’s ambiguous entrance into the Global War on Terror
Camila de Macedo Braga and Ana Maura Tomesani

changing global South. Poor and non-democratic spaces were presented as sources of instability and violence, pressuring the borders and stability of the North. They were envisaged as the new sites for international intervention and conditional lines for financial aid were institutionalized, building new forms of subordination between North and South (Howell, 2014 ; Duffield, 2014

in Counter-terrorism and civil society
Hilary Charlesworth and Christine Chinkin

of social, historic, political, cultural, economic and, possibly, religious factors. International intervention in the form of a military episode cannot respond to the intricate and structural roots of human rights abuses, and may indeed exacerbate them. Such intervention must be accompanied by a long-term commitment to protection and restructuring. International institutions themselves may help to create crises that

in The boundaries of international law
Abstract only
Kathryn Nash

indicate began to happen before the end of the Cold War as well as before the emergence of international intervention norms. The indications of shifting regional norms before the end of the Cold War include the lack of robust condemnation for the Tanzanian invasion of Uganda in 1979, which eventually led to the overthrow of Idi Amin, the Nigerian engagement to end conflict in Chad from 1979–1982 leading to Africa’s first multi-lateral peacekeeping mission, the proposal for an OAU Peace and Security Council in the early 1980s, and the Economic Community of West African

in African peace
Abstract only
Kathryn Nash

to reframe African capacity to address conflicts that predates the end of the Cold War and international intervention efforts in the 1990s. This failed reform attempt indicates that the ideas upon which the OAU was built, strict non-intervention and protection of state sovereignty and territoriality, were being challenged and discredited. It also represents efforts to better respond to conflict on the continent following the conflicts and atrocities of the 1970s. However, there was not a new set of ideas that could act as a blueprint to underpin lasting and

in African peace