Over half of England's secondary schools are now academies. The social and cultural outcomes prompted by this neoliberal educational model has received less scrutiny. This book draws on original research based at Dreamfields Academy, to show how the accelerated marketization and centralization of education is reproducing raced, classed and gendered inequalities. Urbanderry is a socially and economically mixed borough where poverty and gentrification coexist. The book sketches out the key features of Dreamfields' ethos before reflecting on the historical trajectories that underpin how education, urban space and formations of race, class and gender are discussed in the present. Academies have faced opposition for their lack of democratic accountability as they can set their own labour conditions, deviate from the national curriculum and operate outside local authority control. The book examines the complex stories underlying Dreamfields' glossy veneer of success and shows how students, teachers and parents navigate the everyday demands of Dreamfields' results-driven conveyor belt. It also examines how hierarchies are being reformulated. The book interrogates the social and cultural dimensions of this gift that seeks to graft more 'suitable' forms of capital onto its students. The focus is on the conditions underlying this gift's exchange with children, parents and teachers, remaining conscious of how value is generated from the power, perspective and relationships that create the initial conditions of possibility for exchange. Dreamfields acts as a symbolic and material response to the supposed failures of comprehensive education and public anxieties over the loss of nationhood and prestige of empire.
aspiration’ (DCFS, 2009; Adonis, 2008). Former Minister of State for Education
Lord Adonis described how these schools would build aspirational cultures and
act as ‘engines of social mobility and social justice’ at the ‘vanguard of meritocracy’ (Adonis, 2008). Poverty is not framed as a structural problem, but born out
of ‘cultures of low aspiration’. Academies have faced opposition for their lack of
democratic accountability as they can set their own labourconditions, deviate
from the national curriculum and operate outside local authority control.
Urbanderry is a
This book explains the direct link between the structure of the corporation and its limitless capacity for ecological destruction. It argues that we need to find the most effective means of ending the corporation’s death grip over us. The corporation is a problem, not merely because it devours natural resources, pollutes and accelerates the carbon economy. As this book argues, the constitutional structure of the corporation eradicates the possibility that we can put the protection of the planet before profit. A fight to get rid of the corporations that have brought us to this point may seem an impossible task at the moment, but it is necessary for our survival. It is hardly radical to suggest that if something is killing us, we should over-power it and make it stop. We need to kill the corporation before it kills us.
hold before their customers, which lead them to exert downward pressures
Labour segmentation and precariousness in Spain 141
on labourconditions; and the social valuation of these jobs where outsourced
can often be conflated with meanings about ‘low-skilled’, ‘simple’ and unimportant activities, which have a damaging impact on these workers’ bargaining
But this same situation can be seen in the subcontracting of activities of other
kinds. In some cases, outsourcing allows subcontractor companies to operate
in collective agreements more appropriate to
this phenomenon. In Precarious Rhapsody Franco Berardi ( 2009 a) discusses the ways in which contemporary labourconditions are structured to produce not just fear, but panic, partly as a result of the information overload that the infosphere produces and that is no longer processable by humans. However, bodily interventions through intimate labour are not entirely regulated through the infosphere or the technosphere. In many instances such interventions occur at the interface between individuals who interrelate in the process of those interventions, and larger
from all over the world. This is what precarity is – it’s both a condition of exploitation and an opportunity (Foti 2004 (my italics))
As Gerald Raunig ( 2007 ) argues, there is a subtle difference of discourse between the first demonstrations in the French McDonald’s restaurants and the emancipation discourse proclaimed by Foti. In 2000, the aim was to protest against precarious labourconditions, whereas in later discourses, the ‘precariat’ has claimed visibility for itself; it has changed from something to be prevented to a self-designation. This claim
the persistence of the working-class family’,
Cambridge Journal of Economics, 1:3 (1977) 241–258. Reprinted in Held, D. and Giddens,
A. (eds), Class Conflict and Power: A Reader (London: Macmillan), pp. 470–91.
Humphries, J. and Rubery, J. (1984), ‘The reconstitution of the supply side of the labour
market: the relative autonomy of social reproduction’, Cambridge Journal of Economics,
Humphries, J. and Weisdorf, J. (2015), ‘The wages of women in England, 1260–1850’,
Journal of Economic History, 75:2, 405–47.
Kenyon, N. (1962), ‘Labourconditions in
Foster and his colleagues concluded that this was
a typical example of “ecological imperialism” that
brutally gave impetus to the “enormous net flow of
ecological resources from South to North” and facilitated labourconditions that Marx called “worse than
slavery”.43 Crucial to this story was that the extraction of guano from Peru’s islands and coastline was
organised by colonial trading companies. The trade
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From colonialism to ecocide
to Britain was organised by Anthony Gibb and Son
(now part of the
struggle. (Precarias a la deriva, 2004 : n.p.)
Our concept of bioprecarity follows on from their intent to communicate their precarious work and life positions, as we analyse different situations dealing with bioprecarity and how those thus precarized handle their precarious situations. The concept of the precariat became widely known during the massive protests in France in the winter of 2006 against the dismantling of the French and European welfare states (LaVaque-Manty, 2009 ). Guy Standing ( 2011 ) popularized the term to describe new labourconditions (see
Sarah Marie Hall, Laura Pottinger, Megan Blake, Susanna Mills, Christian Reynolds, and Wendy Wrieden
through a series of production and consumption practices has been of intense interest to social scientists, particularly for how it intersects with ideas about workers’ rights and labourconditions, waste and resource use, and the cultural place of consumer goods in everyday life. Here, the commodity is depicted as having a ‘lifespan’ or a ‘life history’ (Appadurai, 1986 ; Cook et al . , 2004 ; Cook, Crang and Thorpe, 2004 ), stretching from the processes of production onwards.
This progression of food as material, from raw product to disposal (as the product