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’s thought can be seen in the works he produces during this period, including the law-codes VII–X Æthelred, the first version of the Institutes of Polity , as well as such homilies as the Sermo ad Populum (Bethurum 13) and Wulfstan’s most famous work, the Sermo Lupi ad Anglos (Bethurum 20). These writings are characterised by a movement away from the general admonitions and eschatological
at the 1008 Enham meeting, while Wormald suggests that it might better be associated with the meetings in 1014 which promulgated the law-codes IX and X Æthelred. 1 Whichever date is correct, the considerable overlap between this homily and Wulfstan’s legislation, especially V–VIII Æthelred, indicates its significance as an early statement of his views on the relationship
whom were really derived from the Lombards of late Antiquity, since the latter, like the other ‘barbarian’ invaders of the Roman Empire were only a relatively small élite (and themselves an amalgam of different peoples) – had developed a strong sense of their own identity, sustained by the traditional law codes of the early medieval Lombard kings, but separate from the lombardi or inhabitants of
Text of Cod. Vat. Lat. 8782, fols. 91 r –94 v 1 [This collection of laws is the earlier of two related texts purporting to contain the legislation of King Roger. As explained in the introduction, this text contains genuine legislation of King Roger and may be a law code promulgated in the 1140s, although certainly not at the meeting at Ariano in
–15. 12 The term for incest used here, sibleger , occurs exclusively in Wulfstan’s writings. Cf. Napier 27, p. 130, ll. 4–5; Bethurum 20.1, l. 94; Bethurum 20.3, l. 137; II Cn. 51; and Cn. 1020 15. The source for Wulfstan’s language remains unknown as incest is not mentioned in other Anglo-Saxon law-codes and
twelve-mile radius) was accorded special treatment and gave rise to a special jurisdiction (and his personal protection). 17 The king’s personal authority and his particular geographical location thus continued to be a significant focus for the exercise of justice. When it came to legislation, the law-codes attributed to the Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norman kings offered an example of the king’s apparent lead
to England resulted in the conversion of King Aethelbert of Kent in 601, who went on to promulgate a new law code: see Bede, Historia Ecclesiastica i. 26; ii. 5. 49 See Councils and Synods , pp. 733
legal system and sought to uncover it through law codes and other normative sources. 155 Instead, emphasis has turned to law in practice: how disputes were settled flexibly, drawing on a variety of judicial and extrajudicial means of actions and influenced more by general norms than specific laws. 156 De divortio should be interpreted in a similar way: it is not
such presumptuous persons shall be duly restrained by suitable punishment meted out by the secular rulers, so that none dare blaspheme against Him who was crucified for our sake. 6 One of those who attempted to obey this injunction was Alfonso X of Castile (1252-1284), His seven-part law-code, known in
those whom the Church labelled heretics. 12 When Justinian I (527–65) systematized the Roman law code he equated heresy with treason, and made both capital offences. His legislation against the Manichaeans was particularly harsh: ‘We decree that those who profess the pernicious error of the Manichaeans shall have no legal right or official permission to live in any place in our republic [ sic ] and