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Author: Mark Bailey

This book aims to provide a broad introduction to the structure and composition of the English manor between c. 1200 and c. 1500 and to serve as a user's guide to its principal records. It considers the form, evolution and usefulness to historians of a group of closely related records: surveys, custumals, extents, terriers and rentals. Manorial accounts build upon the 'static' information contained in surveys, extents and rentals by recording in detail how the individual elements of the manor were managed and what they actually yielded over the agricultural year. The earliest known manorial accounts survive from the bishop of Winchester's estate in the 1200s and 1210s, where they were enrolled with other estate and household records. The abundant records of manor courts represent the single most important source for the study of English local society in the Middle Ages, and offer unique and highly detailed information relating to a wide range of subjects. The book provides a general introduction to the manorial court, its format, procedures and business, and its usefulness to the historian, and considers changes to its business in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The decline of the frankpledge system, and by extension the declining powers of the leet court, is mirrored by a fall in the business conducted in manor courts during the fifteenth century.

E.A. Jones

Lord Scrope to seventeen specified recluses, plus all the anchorites in and around London and York. Scrope was exceptional, of course. Among ordinary testators, gifts to the parish church and its charities, and local orders of monks, nuns and friars, were likely to be remembered before anchorites. A bequest to a solitary might be a mark of particular devotion to the host church, or perhaps a way for the testator to identify themselves, at least

in Hermits and anchorites in England, 1200–1550
Abstract only
C. E. Beneš

mix of cutthroat commerce and deep Christian piety. While material from the GL and his many sermons permeates Jacopo's Chronicle , the chronicle differs from them in that its narrative is historical and its focus is determinedly local, urban, and civic; it is thus a prime example of the civic chronicle, many hundreds of which were written in the cities of Italy during the Middle Ages. The remainder of this introduction will introduce the

in Jacopo Da Varagine’s Chronicle of the city of Genoa
E.A. Jones

probably ready to jump at any opportunity to get rid of them. There was also more to Isolda de Heton’s situation than Whitaker realised. When she entered her enclosure, she left four children, a ten-year-old heir and his brother and two sisters. When their grandfather struck a deal with a local landowner, Richard Barton, for the heir’s wardship and marriage – an arrangement that was likely to leave Isolda’s other children

in Hermits and anchorites in England, 1200–1550
C. E. Beneš

–78. 8 Cardinals were originally the chief clergy of Rome and its surroundings, but as the church grew from a local into a universal institution, the group came to be defined by rank and influence at the papal court: Robinson ( 1990 ), pp. 33–120. 9 CGA , p. 26; Doran/Smith ( 2016 ), pp. 105

in Jacopo Da Varagine’s Chronicle of the city of Genoa
Abstract only
E.A. Jones

. The dissolution of the larger houses was achieved by a series of ‘voluntary’ surrenders, extracted from monastic superiors by a combination of blackmail, intimidation, and bowing to the inevitable. Cromwell appointed local commissioners to tour their districts receiving signed documents of surrender and compiling inventories of assets. In a few cases Cromwell’s agents came across solitaries and, as we will see below, they

in Hermits and anchorites in England, 1200–1550
E.A. Jones

freedom, anarchic variety and ‘edginess’ that had always been at the heart of their claim to spiritual and symbolic power. 47. Richard Rolle fashions himself into a hermit At his death in 1349 Richard Rolle seems to have been something of a local celebrity, and a popular cult quickly sprang up around Hampole, the Cistercian nunnery where he died, and with which he seems to have had some spiritual connection

in Hermits and anchorites in England, 1200–1550
E.A. Jones

mid-fourteenth century; probably the last hermit was appointed in 1531. It stood near the top of Highgate Hill, on the Great North Road, the main road from London to York. 30 Some of the dangers, of both natural and human origin, incident upon medieval road travel can be gleaned from the present document. While hermits were frequently the beneficiaries of indulgences from their local bishop [ 38 ], a papal indulgence is

in Hermits and anchorites in England, 1200–1550
C. E. Beneš

. 21 Notable here is Jacopo's framing of the Genoese as agents in their own conversion and Christian faith, even as he acknowledges the contributions of local saints and martyrs. The story of Saint Nazarius that follows is characteristic both for Jacopo's insistence that the Genoese must already have been Christian before Nazarius’ arrival, and for his contrast of Nazarius’ welcome by the pious Genoese v

in Jacopo Da Varagine’s Chronicle of the city of Genoa
Abstract only
E.A. Jones

the first things she does is to look up the local anchorite. Household accounts often include small gifts to hermits who appear at the castle door, or who are encountered on the way, apparently as a matter of routine [ 44 ]. Literary texts from Langland to Malory introduce hermits or anchorites casually, without seeming to feel the need to explain to their readers what they are. Solitaries were, in short, a familiar feature

in Hermits and anchorites in England, 1200–1550