other open questions in the study of the region through the lens of ‘race’. Both the transnational histories of popular music's globalised production and circulation, and the narratives and fantasies of identity revealed in its audiovisual and embodied dimensions, are encounters with and often reconstructions of global formations of race, where musicians, media workers and listeners–viewers respond to music from outside the region and participate in musical cultures grounded inside it. It is integral within what Gloria Wekker ( 2016 : 2), showing how to study race and
Critical theory and demagogic populism provides a detailed analysis of the relevance of the Frankfurt School’s work to understanding contemporary populism. It draws on the research that the Institute for Social Research conducted concerning domestic demagogues during its period of ‘exile’ in the USA. The book argues that the figure of the demagogue has been neglected in both orthodox ‘populism studies’ and in existing critical approaches to populism such as that of Ernesto Laclau. Demagogic ‘capture’ of populist movements and their legacies is thus a contingent prospect for ‘left’ and ‘right’ populist movements. An account of ‘modern demagogy’ is thus detailed, from the Institute’s own dedicated demagogy studies through to their dialogue with Weber’s work on charismatic leadership, the US liberal critique of demagogy and Freud’s group psychology. The Institute’s linkage of ‘modern demagogy’ to the culture industry speaks to the underestimation in ‘populism studies’ of the significance of two other ‘modern phenomena. The first is ‘cultural populism’ – the appeal to a folkloric understanding of ‘the people’ and/or ‘their culture’. The second is the pivotal role of modern means of communication, not only in the recent prominence of social media but demagogic exploitation of all media since the rise of literacy and the widening of the suffrage in the nineteenth century. The dialectical dimensions of these processes are also highlighted in reconstructing the Institute’s work and in extending these analyses through to the present. The book so concludes by weighing up potential counter-demagogic forces within and beyond the culture industry.
How transnational pharmaceutical groups manipulate scientific
Isabell Hensel and Gunther Teubner
randomised study was carried out in
1998, with further follow-up studies and a Women's Health
Initiative in 2002, was the preventive effect refuted and evidence
produced concerning the health risks to women who had used these
treatments, and who had developed breast cancer, strokes, thrombosis,
dementia and incontinence more frequently after receiving the treatment.
Media such as PLOS and the New York
problem is indicative of the phenomenon's capacity to conflate different orders of social organization. In effect, the populist desire to bypass modern ‘mediating’ institutions is fulfilled by the mediation of modern ‘media’ of communication.
Third, while such mediated quasi-interaction is of course distinctively different from face-to-face interaction, it is particularly effective in the monologue-dominant mode preferred by demagogues. Weber recognized this problem in principle in his critique of the abuse of the lectern for charismatic demagogy
-affiliation with the Laclauian project. Much the same can be said of the orthodox literature on political communication, discussed in Chapter 8 , although that case is more complex due to its partial recognition of this phenomenon within discussions of tabloid journalism. Hall's influence in broader media and communication studies would again be the most consistent point of linkage.
Indeed, the dominant understanding of the term ‘cultural populism’ today is also closely tied to the legacy of Stuart Hall's work. ‘Cultural populism’ was the term McGuigan
territorial boundaries, nation-state constitutions would
constitute too narrow a focus here. However, Google's market
power is not solely a problem of the global economic constitution,
either. Google's information monopoly becomes a problem for the
constitution of the new media that cannot be reduced to economic issues.
Its worldwide digital networking activities, which have enabled massive
Slovenian society (Vrecer 2010 ). In 2000, a year when 13,000 rather than the past year's 776 people (mostly from the Middle East and south-east Asia) claimed asylum, Slovenian media revived the frame of migrants and refugees as likely criminals and public-health risks such that Slovenes might reasonably object to having refugee centres near their homes (Mihelj 2005 : 120). 5 Articulations of Slovenian nationalism in both crises involved notions of autochthony linking Slovenian ethnicity to homeland, defining the nation against immediate regional Others and newer
into a mechanistic functionalism that was especially brutal in its reading of Gramsci in developing its conception of ‘ideology’.
Gramsci's own subtle, if at times ambiguous, practice of setting up narrow and expansive senses of the same category/signifier – notably ‘intellectuals’ and ‘state’ – was completely lost. Althusser instead promoted the reductivist notion of ‘ideological state apparatuses’ to cover social domains such as religion and media. Here an earlier self-criticism did little to redeem the situation
Although contemporary film critics were divided in their qualitative assessment, subsequent critical revisitations have remained focused on the accuracy of the film's prediction of changing relations between the media, especially television, and political institutions. These anticipations are usually considered to be remarkably insightful.
One of Kazan's own placements of the film might be seen as a corrective to Kael
How social subsystems externalise their foundational paradoxes in the
process of constitutionalisation
externalise their paradoxes by
transposition into the law and vice versa, such that, alongside the
state constitution, other subsystem constitutions – an economic
constitution, a media constitution, an organisational constitution
– also act as instruments of practical paradox management?
Luhmann did not pursue this question explicitly. Luhmann, like many
state-centred constitutional lawyers, is rather