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of information about development in Canadian schools during that period offer the historian a significant opportunity to study practical and ideological traditions of visual communications for pedagogical purposes among humanitarian agencies. The focus of historical inquiries of visual media is often on the content produced and the intended audience, with limited examination of those responsible for the logistics and pedagogical dimensions of the distribution of the materials. This article discusses the following aspects of the practices of CIDA: the purpose of
Chapter Six Media coverage On 22 January 1979, Tony Benn noted in his diary: ‘Today was the Day of Action for local government employees and 1.25 million workers took the day off. The press is just full of crises, anarchy, chaos, disruption – bitterly hostile to the trade union movement. I have never seen anything like it in my life.’1 At the peak of the ‘winter of discontent’, the National Day of Action became the greatest industrial stoppage since the General Strike of May 1926. On 22 January 1979 around 1.5 million public sector workers took part in major
Chap 10 28/8/03 1:16 pm Page 243 The mass media 10 In advanced Western democracies, the media perform a major role. Freedom of expression is well established in the West and journalists are vigorous players on the political scene. They are sometimes portrayed as the ‘fourth branch of government’ or the ‘fourth estate’, rivalling the three official branches of political power. Television and the press can’t actually do what the other three branches do, but the way in which they help to shape attitudes makes them very significant in the political process. We
2 Salmonella and media intrusion: food safety policy and politics upset Background to a great British food scare The career of one British politician, the former Conservative MP Edwina Currie, is more closely associated with food scares in Britain than that of any other. In the closing weeks of 1988 Edwina Currie (then a junior minister at the Department of Health) gave a short interview that was broadcast on national television. Just one sentence from her brief TV interview was decisive in influencing what would become the lead news item across Britain in the
and new visual media? I mean, how important can a Red Cross museum be in those times? RS: Well, being a museum director, I would of course say they are extremely important! [(laughter] SK: Yes, I see that point [laughter] But what exactly is it that makes them so important? RS: Let me point back to the ten-year anniversary of the Association of the Red Cross Museums in Germany here. I remember that I gave a speech on that occasion, in which I pointed out that big companies like Mercedes, Stollwerck, or Volkswagen – they all have a corporate museum. Why
130 6 Framing referendum campaigns in the media: towards a frame-​building model This chapter proposes a new model to analyse journalistic frame-​building in the context of highly contested referendum campaigns, based on the insights generated in previous chapters. This model systematises the aspects proposed in the previous chapter as encouraging the reproduction of frames promoted by political sources and their reframing through the strategic game frame. It also combines these findings with what we know from previous research on other referendums in different
The media have become more complex, with new actors (e.g. spin doctors and marketing people) and a whole new dimension with the internet. This chapter analyses these developments, with brief discussion of bias, voting and language in politics. How important have advertising agencies become in British politics? Until the 1970s, neither of the two big parties bothered with advertising in the professional sense. Propagating political messages via the media was thought to be a job for the specialists: politicians. However, the Conservatives began to use
3 Theorising and analysing media performance in wartime There are two principal objectives to this chapter. In order to move beyond purely empirical analysis, the first is to describe the analytical framework that serves as the basis for our theoretically informed and systematic analysis of wartime media performance. Building initially on existing work by Hallin (1986) and Wolfsfeld (1997), the first half of this chapter synthesises a range of models, hypotheses and explanatory variables, drawn from across the literature, in order to set out a framework
This book examines the ways in which contentious parades and protests in ‘post-conflict’ Northern Ireland are contested by affective publics mobilised on social media. In this way, it will contribute to the extant interdisciplinary scholarship on digital citizenship and the role of digital media in contemporary social movements. This chapter contextualises the research findings presented throughout this book by exploring three key issues. First, it introduces the contentious politics framework and applies it to the Northern Irish conflict. Second, it explores
8 Congress, the media and interest groups Any dictator would admire the uniformity and obedience of the U.S. media. (Noam Chomsky) In the previous chapters, the relationship between the voters, parties, the President and members of Congress have been examined. This section looks at two other actors who impact on Congress: the media and interest groups. Media The media performs a crucial role in the American political process. The majority of voters will have little or no personal contact with Congress or its members. These voters rely heavily on newspapers