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The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand, and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state) health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’ dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment). The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).
states of belief and intention – do not occur in isolation, 169 and they do not simply appear by fiat. 170 These intentional states are necessarily embedded in unique backgrounds. 171 Among the factors that trigger primary mental states are memory, experience, and perception. 172 Indeed, successes and failures that the decision-makers and their society experienced , and the memory of such experiences, affect the manner in which they perceive the present and form their beliefs and intentions. In a simplistic account, the memories, experiences, perceptions, inter
inside the jail, a memory that signifies the freedom within, before the rape that is soon to inaugurate her marriage. Osama could be read as belonging to several genres. Mark Graham reads it as essentially a horror movie. Its monsters, though not supernatural, are terrifying just the same … the film’s narrative bears many gothic hallmarks, most notably the lone heroine trapped in a shambling ruin, menaced by religious fanatics and sexual predators. 43 Graham also sees it as fitting into ‘the Hollywood Eastern’ 44 along with Rudolph Valentino in The Sheikh
allusions and references to everything from Alice in Wonderland to Game of Thrones ). Much of this is new but it is not as if this preoccupation with the visual has emerged from nowhere. The ground was cleared some time ago by both those who worked on the aesthetics of law more broadly (Douzinas, Manderson, Goodrich) and those who took an early interest in the documentary or visual aspects of international law (often international criminal justice) from Nuremberg through to Lubanga (Lawrence Douglas’ book The Memory of Justice is a notable antecedent in this
, Palestinian Cinema: Landscape, Trauma and Memory ( Edinburgh : Edinburgh University Press , 2008 ) 20–53 ; Joseph Massad , ‘The Weapon of Culture: Cinema in the Palestinian Liberation Struggle’ in Hamid Dabashi (ed.), Dreams of a Nation: On Palestinian Cinema ( London and New York : Verso , 2006 ) 32–44 ; Livia Alexander , ‘Is There a Palestinian Cinema? The National and Transnational in Palestinian Film Production’ in Rebecca L. Stein and Ted Swedenburg (eds), Palestine, Israel, and the Politics of Popular Culture ( Durham, NC and
ceremoniously, and says in a calm but firm voice: ‘Since you refuse to abide by the laws of the civilised world, we must consider ourselves absolved from our duty to obey you. My officers will not do manual labour.’ ‘We shall see’ replies Colonel Saito. The renowned international humanitarian law specialist Eric David explains that this scene, which he saw when he was an adolescent, remained engraved in his memory, particularly as an expression of the Japanese official’s contempt for the law. 2 This anecdote has inspired a section dedicated to ‘International Law and
the movies were selected in the following way: relying both on personal memories and intuitions, on exchanges with other colleagues and on several books dedicated to the relations between cinema and war which will be mentioned throughout the contribution, I have identified a number of films and series relating to the prohibition of the use of force. Even if, in practice, most of them turned out to be US productions, my research was not a priori limited by any type of considerations and was meant to encompass a broad selection of films. The identified film
galvanised nationalistic feelings. Reclaiming national myths and ethnic ideologies resulted in the two main groups, the Serbs and the Kosovars, dehumanising and discrediting themselves. Internationally though, with the precedent of Bosnia still fresh in the memory, there were specific recipients of moral approbation. 76 The reaction by the United Nations in connection with Somalia
– is that there’s some kind of electrochemical communication between the roots of the trees. Like the synapses between neurons […] It’s a network – a global network. And the Na’vi can access it – they can upload and download data – memories – at sites like the one you destroyed. The Na’vi know that, and they’re fighting to defend it. If you want to share this world with them, you need to understand them. The third and final vision comes from the Na’vi themselves. The indigenous species defends a relational model to other species, not only based on the idea of
of minorities – though the principled rejection of the latter is doubtless compounded by the memory of dominant European colonisers.17 No African State is a party to ILO Convention 169, though a number of African States remain parties to Convention 107.18 None the less, ratification of 169 has been under consideration, which may be a sign of the times, as the heaviness of nation-building lifts off, and increasing attention is paid to sub-national groups.19 The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights Philosophy In the African Charter, OAU governments devised a